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YORUBALAND UNDER SIEGE: THE TASK OF SELF-DETERMINATION, SELF-DEFENCE AND NATIONAL SURVIVAL — WALE BALOGUN

YORUBALAND UNDER SIEGE: THE TASK OF SELF-DETERMINATION, SELF-DEFENCE AND NATIONAL SURVIVAL — WALE BALOGUN

Press Statement 


Mr. M. O. Oyedokun,
Abducted with some
 students by bandits 

The worsening insecurity across Yorubaland has once again exposed the harsh reality that no people can survive without the capacity and collective will to defend their land, civilisation, culture and future. What was once dismissed as isolated attacks and rural criminality has now evolved into a dangerous and coordinated assault on the peace, territorial integrity and indigenous identity of the Yoruba nation.


From Owo in Ondo State to the forests and farming settlements of Oyo, Ogun, Kwara and Kogi States, armed terrorists, bandits and criminal herders have continued to invade communities, sack villages, kidnap citizens and destroy livelihoods with alarming boldness. Our people are increasingly becoming refugees in their ancestral homeland while those entrusted with the responsibility of governance continue to play politics with the lives of innocent citizens.


Many continue to ask how we arrived at this dangerous point. Without unnecessary historical excursion, the present crisis cannot be divorced from the structural imbalance and political betrayal that followed the annulment of the June 12, 1993 presidential election. That annulment was not merely an attack on democracy; it was an attack on the political future and collective dignity of the Yoruba people.


The years that followed witnessed the steady consolidation of a political and ideological agenda that sought to weaken regional autonomy while centralising power in a deeply compromised federal structure. Under successive administrations, particularly after the return to civil rule in 1999, extremist tendencies gained confidence while constitutional contradictions surrounding religion, security and governance were deliberately ignored for political convenience.


It was during this era that the aggressive expansion of Sharia across several Northern states was normalised despite the constitutional controversies surrounding it. Many dismissed the implications at the time, but what we are witnessing today is the dangerous consequence of years of appeasement, silence and elite compromise.


The bitter truth is that Yorubaland has been politically betrayed not only by external forces but also by some internal actors whose personal ambitions took precedence over the collective survival of the Yoruba nation. The establishment of Amotekun, which should have emerged much earlier as a formidable regional security architecture, was weakened by political calculations and the desperation of certain power blocs seeking Northern political support for presidential ambitions.


It is on record that the Lagos State Government was reluctance towards, reject and refuse regional security vision behind Amotekun because of fears that robust regional self-defence structures might jeopardise strategic alliances ahead of national elections. That hesitation weakened the urgency required at a critical moment when Yorubaland needed unity, courage and decisive leadership.


The tragedy is further compounded by the conduct and utterances of certain influential figures whose actions continue to undermine Yoruba historical consciousness and collective resistance. One cannot ignore the symbolic implications of the Alaafin of Oyo paying homage and pledging allegiance to the Sultan of Sokoto shortly after his coronation while simultaneously attacking the Ọọni of Ifẹ̀ and questioning aspects of Yoruba history and civilisation.


Similarly, the self-styled Emir posture adopted by the Oluwo of Iwo, including statements portraying Iwo as a natural settlement space for displaced Fulani populations, raises serious concerns about the gradual cultural and political erosion of Yoruba identity through elite collaboration and internal sabotage.


The political class at the federal level has also demonstrated troubling insensitivity. Senate President Godswill Akpabio’s controversial remarks suggesting that insecurity may persist until after the 2027 elections created the disturbing impression that political elites already understand the scale of the crisis but lack either the will or sincerity to confront it decisively.


Likewise, statements attributed to the Chief of Army Staff advocating negotiations with terrorists because “they are Nigerians too” continue to demoralise citizens whose communities remain under siege. While dialogue may have strategic value in certain conflicts, no nation can normalise terrorism or reward violent criminality without undermining justice and national security.


At this stage, over-analysis without action will only produce collective paralysis. Yorubaland must now begin to embrace a realistic and organised self-determination consciousness anchored on self-preservation, regional unity, security coordination, economic independence and cultural rebirth.


Self-determination does not merely mean agitation or emotional rhetoric. It means building the institutional, political, cultural and security capacity necessary for a people to protect their existence and determine their future. It means developing strong regional consensus beyond partisan politics and rejecting every form of divide-and-rule manipulation.


To save Yorubaland from further deterioration, the following urgent steps have become necessary:


 *Immediate Community Defence Structures:* 

* Every Yoruba community must establish coordinated and lawful COMMUNITY DEFENCE COMMITTEES (CDC), vigilance networks and local intelligence structures working in synergy with Amotekun and other legitimate security outfits.


 *Strengthening Amotekun:* 

* Amotekun must be transformed into a fully funded, technologically equipped and operationally independent regional security institution with modern intelligence capabilities and forest surveillance systems.


 *Regional Security Summit:* 

* All Yoruba stakeholders, traditional rulers, youth organisations, civil society groups, hunters, farmers, professionals and self-determination groups, should convene an emergency Yoruba Security and Survival Summit to develop a unified regional security strategy.


 *Economic and Political Self-Reliance:* 

* Yorubaland must reduce dependency on the dysfunctional federal structure by strengthening regional economic integration, food security, local industries and internal cooperation among Southwest states.


 *Cultural Reawakening* :

* The Yoruba people must consciously defend and preserve their history, language, traditional institutions and civilisational identity against both external domination and internal distortion.


 *Demand for True Federalism and Restructuring* :

* The current over-centralised Nigerian structure has failed. The Yoruba nation must intensify constitutional advocacy for genuine federalism, regional autonomy and resource control as minimum conditions for peaceful coexistence.


 *Reject Political Opportunism:* 

* Those seeking political offices ahead of 2027 must clearly state their positions on regional security, restructuring and Yoruba self-preservation. Empty slogans and transactional politics can no longer guarantee public trust.


The time has come for the Yoruba people to stop outsourcing their destiny to external powers, foreign governments, political merchants or opportunistic actors masquerading as freedom fighters. No foreign government will save Yorubaland. No messiah is coming from abroad. The survival of our people depends ultimately on our collective consciousness, organisation, courage and readiness to act.


History has placed before this generation a difficult but unavoidable responsibility: either we rise to defend our land, identity and future, or we continue the dangerous path of complacency, disunity and gradual displacement.


The choice is ours. Fatherland or death ! 


Comrade Wale Balogun

Afenifere Chieftain and Convener, Mẹkunnu Koya.

Writes from Lagos.

20/05/2026

Press Statement 


Mr. M. O. Oyedokun,
Abducted with some
 students by bandits 

The worsening insecurity across Yorubaland has once again exposed the harsh reality that no people can survive without the capacity and collective will to defend their land, civilisation, culture and future. What was once dismissed as isolated attacks and rural criminality has now evolved into a dangerous and coordinated assault on the peace, territorial integrity and indigenous identity of the Yoruba nation.


From Owo in Ondo State to the forests and farming settlements of Oyo, Ogun, Kwara and Kogi States, armed terrorists, bandits and criminal herders have continued to invade communities, sack villages, kidnap citizens and destroy livelihoods with alarming boldness. Our people are increasingly becoming refugees in their ancestral homeland while those entrusted with the responsibility of governance continue to play politics with the lives of innocent citizens.


Many continue to ask how we arrived at this dangerous point. Without unnecessary historical excursion, the present crisis cannot be divorced from the structural imbalance and political betrayal that followed the annulment of the June 12, 1993 presidential election. That annulment was not merely an attack on democracy; it was an attack on the political future and collective dignity of the Yoruba people.


The years that followed witnessed the steady consolidation of a political and ideological agenda that sought to weaken regional autonomy while centralising power in a deeply compromised federal structure. Under successive administrations, particularly after the return to civil rule in 1999, extremist tendencies gained confidence while constitutional contradictions surrounding religion, security and governance were deliberately ignored for political convenience.


It was during this era that the aggressive expansion of Sharia across several Northern states was normalised despite the constitutional controversies surrounding it. Many dismissed the implications at the time, but what we are witnessing today is the dangerous consequence of years of appeasement, silence and elite compromise.


The bitter truth is that Yorubaland has been politically betrayed not only by external forces but also by some internal actors whose personal ambitions took precedence over the collective survival of the Yoruba nation. The establishment of Amotekun, which should have emerged much earlier as a formidable regional security architecture, was weakened by political calculations and the desperation of certain power blocs seeking Northern political support for presidential ambitions.


It is on record that the Lagos State Government was reluctance towards, reject and refuse regional security vision behind Amotekun because of fears that robust regional self-defence structures might jeopardise strategic alliances ahead of national elections. That hesitation weakened the urgency required at a critical moment when Yorubaland needed unity, courage and decisive leadership.


The tragedy is further compounded by the conduct and utterances of certain influential figures whose actions continue to undermine Yoruba historical consciousness and collective resistance. One cannot ignore the symbolic implications of the Alaafin of Oyo paying homage and pledging allegiance to the Sultan of Sokoto shortly after his coronation while simultaneously attacking the Ọọni of Ifẹ̀ and questioning aspects of Yoruba history and civilisation.


Similarly, the self-styled Emir posture adopted by the Oluwo of Iwo, including statements portraying Iwo as a natural settlement space for displaced Fulani populations, raises serious concerns about the gradual cultural and political erosion of Yoruba identity through elite collaboration and internal sabotage.


The political class at the federal level has also demonstrated troubling insensitivity. Senate President Godswill Akpabio’s controversial remarks suggesting that insecurity may persist until after the 2027 elections created the disturbing impression that political elites already understand the scale of the crisis but lack either the will or sincerity to confront it decisively.


Likewise, statements attributed to the Chief of Army Staff advocating negotiations with terrorists because “they are Nigerians too” continue to demoralise citizens whose communities remain under siege. While dialogue may have strategic value in certain conflicts, no nation can normalise terrorism or reward violent criminality without undermining justice and national security.


At this stage, over-analysis without action will only produce collective paralysis. Yorubaland must now begin to embrace a realistic and organised self-determination consciousness anchored on self-preservation, regional unity, security coordination, economic independence and cultural rebirth.


Self-determination does not merely mean agitation or emotional rhetoric. It means building the institutional, political, cultural and security capacity necessary for a people to protect their existence and determine their future. It means developing strong regional consensus beyond partisan politics and rejecting every form of divide-and-rule manipulation.


To save Yorubaland from further deterioration, the following urgent steps have become necessary:


 *Immediate Community Defence Structures:* 

* Every Yoruba community must establish coordinated and lawful COMMUNITY DEFENCE COMMITTEES (CDC), vigilance networks and local intelligence structures working in synergy with Amotekun and other legitimate security outfits.


 *Strengthening Amotekun:* 

* Amotekun must be transformed into a fully funded, technologically equipped and operationally independent regional security institution with modern intelligence capabilities and forest surveillance systems.


 *Regional Security Summit:* 

* All Yoruba stakeholders, traditional rulers, youth organisations, civil society groups, hunters, farmers, professionals and self-determination groups, should convene an emergency Yoruba Security and Survival Summit to develop a unified regional security strategy.


 *Economic and Political Self-Reliance:* 

* Yorubaland must reduce dependency on the dysfunctional federal structure by strengthening regional economic integration, food security, local industries and internal cooperation among Southwest states.


 *Cultural Reawakening* :

* The Yoruba people must consciously defend and preserve their history, language, traditional institutions and civilisational identity against both external domination and internal distortion.


 *Demand for True Federalism and Restructuring* :

* The current over-centralised Nigerian structure has failed. The Yoruba nation must intensify constitutional advocacy for genuine federalism, regional autonomy and resource control as minimum conditions for peaceful coexistence.


 *Reject Political Opportunism:* 

* Those seeking political offices ahead of 2027 must clearly state their positions on regional security, restructuring and Yoruba self-preservation. Empty slogans and transactional politics can no longer guarantee public trust.


The time has come for the Yoruba people to stop outsourcing their destiny to external powers, foreign governments, political merchants or opportunistic actors masquerading as freedom fighters. No foreign government will save Yorubaland. No messiah is coming from abroad. The survival of our people depends ultimately on our collective consciousness, organisation, courage and readiness to act.


History has placed before this generation a difficult but unavoidable responsibility: either we rise to defend our land, identity and future, or we continue the dangerous path of complacency, disunity and gradual displacement.


The choice is ours. Fatherland or death ! 


Comrade Wale Balogun

Afenifere Chieftain and Convener, Mẹkunnu Koya.

Writes from Lagos.

20/05/2026

LABOUR PARTY: Ogun State Publicity secretary Resigns From The Party

LABOUR PARTY: Ogun State Publicity secretary Resigns From The Party

Kika

The Publicity secretary of the Ogun State Labour Party Kika Glasgow resigned his membership of the party.

According to a letter of resignation written on 20th May, 2026, addressed to the National Chairman of the party Senator Nenadi Esther Usman, Kika tendered his formal resignation from the Labour Party with immediate effect.


Kika Glasgow sited recent actions of the National Leadership which have demonstrated that the Labour Party is no longer a vehicle for justice, internal democracy, or the reward of loyalty.


According to him, congresses that were duly validated at the Umuahia National Convention have been arbitrarily declared null and void, even though delegates from those same congresses elected the substantive National Executive Committee members.


The letter reads in Full:

 

LETTER OF RESIGNATION FROM THE LABOUR PARTY


Date: 20th May,2026


To:

The National Chairman

Labour Party

Abuja, Nigeria


Through:

The State Chairman

Ogun State Labour Party


Subject: Letter of Resignation from the Labour Party


Dear Comrades,


I, Kika Glasgow, hereby tender my formal resignation from the Labour Party, effective immediately.


I have served this party diligently as the Publicity Secretary in Ogun State, remaining loyal to the Nenadi Usman-led National Caretaker Committee since November 2024. I stood with this leadership through court battles and against intimidation—including arrests and disruption of our meetings by security operatives instigated by opposition forces within our state.


Unfortunately, the recent actions of the National Leadership have demonstrated that the Labour Party is no longer a vehicle for justice, internal democracy, or the reward of loyalty. Specifically:


1. Despite our unwavering support, the party's structure in Ogun State has been handed over to individuals who recently opposed this leadership, manipulated security agencies against us, and now falsely claim loyalty for personal gain.

2. Congresses that were duly validated at the Umuahia National Convention have been arbitrarily declared null and void, even though delegates from those same congresses elected the substantive National Executive Committee members.

3. A so-called "harmonization committee" with vested interests has replaced legitimately elected state executives with handpicked loyalists, particularly in states of strategic interest.

4. The Deputy National Chairman, Mrs. Nike Oriola, has conducted herself with vindictiveness, openly replacing anyone she personally dislikes or who has previously offended her—an unacceptable trait in a leadership that claims to be democratic.


These actions reveal a party that is not truly prepared to win elections, serve the people's interest, or operate democratically. Rather, the Labour Party under this leadership has reverted to transactional politics and personal vendettas.


I can no longer remain in a party where loyalty is punished, deception is rewarded, and personal grudges determine organizational outcomes. I intend to join a genuinely democratic political party where committed members are allowed to benefit from their loyalty.


Furthermore, I wish to state clearly that the entire structure of the Labour Party in Odeda Local Government will move with me to join another political party.


I thank those genuine comrades who fought alongside me. I wish the Labour Party well, but I cannot continue under this leadership or structure.


Yours sincerely,


Kika Glasgow

Former Publicity Secretary (Ogun State Labour Party)

08138192339



Copy to:


· Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), Ogun State Office

· Labour Party National Secretariat

Kika

The Publicity secretary of the Ogun State Labour Party Kika Glasgow resigned his membership of the party.

According to a letter of resignation written on 20th May, 2026, addressed to the National Chairman of the party Senator Nenadi Esther Usman, Kika tendered his formal resignation from the Labour Party with immediate effect.


Kika Glasgow sited recent actions of the National Leadership which have demonstrated that the Labour Party is no longer a vehicle for justice, internal democracy, or the reward of loyalty.


According to him, congresses that were duly validated at the Umuahia National Convention have been arbitrarily declared null and void, even though delegates from those same congresses elected the substantive National Executive Committee members.


The letter reads in Full:

 

LETTER OF RESIGNATION FROM THE LABOUR PARTY


Date: 20th May,2026


To:

The National Chairman

Labour Party

Abuja, Nigeria


Through:

The State Chairman

Ogun State Labour Party


Subject: Letter of Resignation from the Labour Party


Dear Comrades,


I, Kika Glasgow, hereby tender my formal resignation from the Labour Party, effective immediately.


I have served this party diligently as the Publicity Secretary in Ogun State, remaining loyal to the Nenadi Usman-led National Caretaker Committee since November 2024. I stood with this leadership through court battles and against intimidation—including arrests and disruption of our meetings by security operatives instigated by opposition forces within our state.


Unfortunately, the recent actions of the National Leadership have demonstrated that the Labour Party is no longer a vehicle for justice, internal democracy, or the reward of loyalty. Specifically:


1. Despite our unwavering support, the party's structure in Ogun State has been handed over to individuals who recently opposed this leadership, manipulated security agencies against us, and now falsely claim loyalty for personal gain.

2. Congresses that were duly validated at the Umuahia National Convention have been arbitrarily declared null and void, even though delegates from those same congresses elected the substantive National Executive Committee members.

3. A so-called "harmonization committee" with vested interests has replaced legitimately elected state executives with handpicked loyalists, particularly in states of strategic interest.

4. The Deputy National Chairman, Mrs. Nike Oriola, has conducted herself with vindictiveness, openly replacing anyone she personally dislikes or who has previously offended her—an unacceptable trait in a leadership that claims to be democratic.


These actions reveal a party that is not truly prepared to win elections, serve the people's interest, or operate democratically. Rather, the Labour Party under this leadership has reverted to transactional politics and personal vendettas.


I can no longer remain in a party where loyalty is punished, deception is rewarded, and personal grudges determine organizational outcomes. I intend to join a genuinely democratic political party where committed members are allowed to benefit from their loyalty.


Furthermore, I wish to state clearly that the entire structure of the Labour Party in Odeda Local Government will move with me to join another political party.


I thank those genuine comrades who fought alongside me. I wish the Labour Party well, but I cannot continue under this leadership or structure.


Yours sincerely,


Kika Glasgow

Former Publicity Secretary (Ogun State Labour Party)

08138192339



Copy to:


· Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), Ogun State Office

· Labour Party National Secretariat

THE ILLEGALITY OF JULIUS ABURE PRESENTING CANDIDATES FOR ELECTIONS UNDER THE LABOUR PARTY

THE ILLEGALITY OF JULIUS ABURE PRESENTING CANDIDATES FOR ELECTIONS UNDER THE LABOUR PARTY

By Dr Monday Ubani, SAN.


Legally recognized National Chairman
of Labour Party Senator Nenadi Esther Usman 



The persistent attempt by Mr. Julius Abure to parade himself as the National Chairman of the Labour Party and to recently announce some candidates in his purported primary elections under the platform of the Labour Party has become not only legally indefensible but a direct assault on the rule of law and the integrity of Nigeria’s democratic process.


The issue of the leadership of the Labour Party has already been conclusively determined by the courts, culminating in the decision of the Supreme Court, which made it abundantly clear that the tenure of Julius Abure and his executive had since expired. The apex court recognized the caretaker leadership that emerged to stabilize the party and restore order. In particular, the leadership under Senator Nenadi Usman was acknowledged as the legitimate authority steering the affairs of the party pending a proper convention. 


Ordinarily, in a country governed by law, that should have ended the matter.


However, rather than submit to the finality of judicial pronouncements as demanded by the Constitution and democratic norms, Mr. Abure chose the dangerous route of forum shopping and judicial adventurism. He returned to the trial court in a desperate bid to revive a dead mandate. The courts, both at the trial level and at the Court of Appeal, reportedly made it clear to him that the matter had been settled and that peace should be allowed to reign within the party.


Yet, in complete disregard of these judicial pronouncements, Mr. Abure has continued to act as though he remains the authentic leader of the Labour Party. 


Most astonishing is his purported organization of parallel primaries and the presentation of candidates for elections under the party’s platform, despite the fact that the Labour Party has since held a valid national convention where Senator Nenadi Usman was affirmed as the substantive National Chairman alongside other duly elected executives.


This conduct is not merely provocative; it is profoundly dangerous to constitutional democracy.


Impostor: Julius Abure
with FCT minister Wike

A political party is not a lawless association where individuals can operate according to personal whims. It is an institution regulated by the Constitution, the Electoral Act, the party’s constitution, and the decisions of competent courts. Once the courts have spoken with finality, every person, no matter how highly placed, is bound to obey.


The attempt to run a parallel structure after lawful leadership has emerged amounts to political mischief of the highest order. It creates confusion among party members, deceives unsuspecting aspirants and supporters, and undermines the credibility of the electoral system.


 Worse still, it exposes innocent candidates to avoidable legal disasters, as candidates presented by unauthorized persons or unlawful structures may ultimately find their nominations invalidated by the courts.


One must ask: what exactly is the objective of this persistent defiance by Mr. Abure? No democracy can thrive where individuals place themselves above the law. Nigeria cannot afford to become a laughing stock before the international community because of the reckless conduct of politicians who refuse to accept lawful decisions. The sanctity of judicial pronouncements must be respected if democracy is to survive.


It is even more troubling that a legal practitioner would be associated with conduct that appears to undermine settled judicial decisions. Lawyers are ministers in the temple of justice and are expected to uphold the rule of law, not ridicule it through acts capable of bringing the legal profession into disrepute. 


The Rules of Professional Conduct imposes a duty on lawyers to maintain respect for the courts and the administration of justice.


 Persistent disregard for binding decisions raises serious ethical and disciplinary concerns that the appropriate professional bodies may eventually need to examine.


The security agencies must not fold their arms while this avoidable confusion festers. Where an individual continues to impersonate authority, create parallel political structures, and generate tension capable of disrupting public peace and electoral order, the relevant authorities have a duty to intervene decisively within the bounds of the law. Enough is enough.


Nigeria must move away from the era where political actors behave as though the law is optional. Democracy survives on discipline, order, and respect for institutions. Once the courts have spoken, every patriotic citizen ought to bow to the supremacy of the law.


Mr. Abure must therefore desist from further acts capable of misleading the public, deceiving unsuspecting aspirants, and destabilizing the Labour Party. Any continued attempt to unlawfully parade himself as Chairman of the party or present candidates under an illegal structure may amount not only to political fraud on innocent party members and supporters, but also a deliberate misrepresentation capable of attracting serious legal consequences. 


Members of the public, aspirants, and political stakeholders are therefore strongly advised to exercise caution and avoid dealing with unauthorized persons or factions whose actions are clearly contrary to established judicial pronouncements and the lawful leadership of the party.


The time has come for all genuine stakeholders to rally around lawful authority, obey court decisions, and allow peace, order, and internal democracy to flourish within the party and the nation at large.


Dr Ubani, a legal practitioner is a Senior Advocate of Nigeria (SAN) and a public affairs commentator.


Culled from Hot News Channel

By Dr Monday Ubani, SAN.


Legally recognized National Chairman
of Labour Party Senator Nenadi Esther Usman 



The persistent attempt by Mr. Julius Abure to parade himself as the National Chairman of the Labour Party and to recently announce some candidates in his purported primary elections under the platform of the Labour Party has become not only legally indefensible but a direct assault on the rule of law and the integrity of Nigeria’s democratic process.


The issue of the leadership of the Labour Party has already been conclusively determined by the courts, culminating in the decision of the Supreme Court, which made it abundantly clear that the tenure of Julius Abure and his executive had since expired. The apex court recognized the caretaker leadership that emerged to stabilize the party and restore order. In particular, the leadership under Senator Nenadi Usman was acknowledged as the legitimate authority steering the affairs of the party pending a proper convention. 


Ordinarily, in a country governed by law, that should have ended the matter.


However, rather than submit to the finality of judicial pronouncements as demanded by the Constitution and democratic norms, Mr. Abure chose the dangerous route of forum shopping and judicial adventurism. He returned to the trial court in a desperate bid to revive a dead mandate. The courts, both at the trial level and at the Court of Appeal, reportedly made it clear to him that the matter had been settled and that peace should be allowed to reign within the party.


Yet, in complete disregard of these judicial pronouncements, Mr. Abure has continued to act as though he remains the authentic leader of the Labour Party. 


Most astonishing is his purported organization of parallel primaries and the presentation of candidates for elections under the party’s platform, despite the fact that the Labour Party has since held a valid national convention where Senator Nenadi Usman was affirmed as the substantive National Chairman alongside other duly elected executives.


This conduct is not merely provocative; it is profoundly dangerous to constitutional democracy.


Impostor: Julius Abure
with FCT minister Wike

A political party is not a lawless association where individuals can operate according to personal whims. It is an institution regulated by the Constitution, the Electoral Act, the party’s constitution, and the decisions of competent courts. Once the courts have spoken with finality, every person, no matter how highly placed, is bound to obey.


The attempt to run a parallel structure after lawful leadership has emerged amounts to political mischief of the highest order. It creates confusion among party members, deceives unsuspecting aspirants and supporters, and undermines the credibility of the electoral system.


 Worse still, it exposes innocent candidates to avoidable legal disasters, as candidates presented by unauthorized persons or unlawful structures may ultimately find their nominations invalidated by the courts.


One must ask: what exactly is the objective of this persistent defiance by Mr. Abure? No democracy can thrive where individuals place themselves above the law. Nigeria cannot afford to become a laughing stock before the international community because of the reckless conduct of politicians who refuse to accept lawful decisions. The sanctity of judicial pronouncements must be respected if democracy is to survive.


It is even more troubling that a legal practitioner would be associated with conduct that appears to undermine settled judicial decisions. Lawyers are ministers in the temple of justice and are expected to uphold the rule of law, not ridicule it through acts capable of bringing the legal profession into disrepute. 


The Rules of Professional Conduct imposes a duty on lawyers to maintain respect for the courts and the administration of justice.


 Persistent disregard for binding decisions raises serious ethical and disciplinary concerns that the appropriate professional bodies may eventually need to examine.


The security agencies must not fold their arms while this avoidable confusion festers. Where an individual continues to impersonate authority, create parallel political structures, and generate tension capable of disrupting public peace and electoral order, the relevant authorities have a duty to intervene decisively within the bounds of the law. Enough is enough.


Nigeria must move away from the era where political actors behave as though the law is optional. Democracy survives on discipline, order, and respect for institutions. Once the courts have spoken, every patriotic citizen ought to bow to the supremacy of the law.


Mr. Abure must therefore desist from further acts capable of misleading the public, deceiving unsuspecting aspirants, and destabilizing the Labour Party. Any continued attempt to unlawfully parade himself as Chairman of the party or present candidates under an illegal structure may amount not only to political fraud on innocent party members and supporters, but also a deliberate misrepresentation capable of attracting serious legal consequences. 


Members of the public, aspirants, and political stakeholders are therefore strongly advised to exercise caution and avoid dealing with unauthorized persons or factions whose actions are clearly contrary to established judicial pronouncements and the lawful leadership of the party.


The time has come for all genuine stakeholders to rally around lawful authority, obey court decisions, and allow peace, order, and internal democracy to flourish within the party and the nation at large.


Dr Ubani, a legal practitioner is a Senior Advocate of Nigeria (SAN) and a public affairs commentator.


Culled from Hot News Channel

2027 General Elections: AN OPEN LETTER TO NIGERIA'S OPPOSITION LEADERSHIP

2027 General Elections: AN OPEN LETTER TO NIGERIA'S OPPOSITION LEADERSHIP

By Prince Tony Akeni, Sunday May 17, 2026



ATTENTION:


🔺His Excellency Sen. Seriake Dickson, National Leader NDC


🔺His Excellency Peter Obi, His Excellency Engr. Rabiu Kwankwaso, Presidential Ticket Aspirants NDC


🔺Distinguished Patriot Prof. Pat Utomi, Global Leader The Big Tent


🔺National Executive Councils, NDC, Labour Party and all stakeholders to whom it may concern



The 2027 General Elections, especially the Presidential Ballot, shall be akin to a penalty own goal for both the ruling APC and the consolidated opposition, now led by the NDC. One fatal misstep by APC in the last mile of the race will make the ruling party lose the presidential race to the opposition. In the same vein, one last-mile error in the opposition's roadmap shall cost it the presidential victory, paving way for the second term return of APC to summit power.


This is an urgent call for the Nigeria Democratic Congress (NDC) and the Labour Party of Nigeria (LP) to, amongst other matters arising, waive now or drastically reduce to near zero "Party Development" Fees, Expression of Interest Forms for financially disadvantaged aspirants, extend deadlines for obtaining/submission of forms, and subsequently to stagger aspirants screening across new dates.


This is why:


1.  The NDC's triple-step aspirant fees involving Expression of Interest Form, #3million;

Nomination Form  #5million; and what the NDC christens "Development Levy," #20million, totalling #28million for senatorial ticket, are prohibitive and unaffordable to many genuine aspirants and good governance enthusiasts who recently joined the party. To make matters worse, even though the fees are lower for House of Rep and State House of Assembly aspirants, these fees are to be paid within a short blood pumping notice of 14 days. The shortness of the notice to raise these amounts by aspirants affects the majority of them who thronged into the party from when Mr. Peter Obi joined the NDC on Sunday May 2, 2026 up to the high pressure closing date which officially ended at 6pm today Sunday May 17. Labour Party's ended two days ago on Saturday May 15, 2016.


2.  The above condition has constrained numerous potent, ballot winning popular aspirants who could not afford the fees to pull out in frustration. The wailing despair of these aspirants is audible and pandemic across the country and at both the NDC and LP national quarters in Abuja which were visited by monitors.


3.  Owing to the above reason, as aspirants pulled the breaks and some entirely cancelled out their vying interest, the NDC and Labour Party may not have active, viable and effectual candidates in many constituencies across the country unless they timely put in place measures to revisit the exercise and remedy the voids. 


4.  Flowing from Labour Party's experience in the 2023 elections, the far-reaching consequence of these overlooked aspirants vacuum is that the now frontline NDC opposition may win massive votes in many constituencies of the country but the absence of substantive candidates to lead ballot day trenches and to ensure that the party's votes are counted will leave room for sweeping rigging, ballot poaching, projection and announcement of false results by the ruling APC and its conniving institutions. 


5.  Furthermore, aggrieved opposition aspirants who were prevented from participating in the election because of their inability to meet the NDC's "unaffordable" Expression of Interest/Nomination Forms and "Development Levy" will be unenthusiastic to defend the votes of their constituencies for the NDC or NDC-LP coalition, if such alliance or similar fraternal ballot coalition came to play. 


6.  The frustration of being disallowed from being candidates will also make some previously pro-opposition actors become willing tools and easy converts to sellout the opposition's ballot harvests in their constituencies to the ruling party.


7.  Also from the experience of Labour Party in the 2023 elections, you will recall that the initial low affordability of LP aspirant forms and outright waivers in some cases enabled okada riders and candidates of similar low economic class to win elections on the party's platform. NDC, LP or any visionary opposition coalition will do itself a whale of good to replicate this template. This is because where a political party has active candidates, in the process of working hard to sell their candidacy to the electorates, they stamp the presence, strength and ballot teeth of their party in their constituency by installing effective party agents for victory. This will help the NDC and LP to have polling unit troops and vote protection loyalists in every constituency across Nigeria to checkmate rigging or announcement of false results, vices the ruling party is unprecedentedly noted for.


8.  Subsequent to the above, the NDC and LP should, as additional stratagem, make room for place-holding aspirants to fill every elective slot throughout the country, ensuring that such place-holders would seamlessly withdraw for substantive candidates before the expiration of INEC's candidates submission deadline. 


9.  Finally, to accommodate the initiatives propounded above, one will strongly urge that both the NDC, LP or any other partnership in the new post-ADC coalition should, as a matter of necessity, extend the deadline for collection and submission of forms, and their screening dates staggered accordingly as long as such extensions fall within INEC's political party activities timetable.


Conclusion


The 2027 General Elections, especially the Presidential Ballot, shall be akin to a penalty own goal for both the ruling APC and the consolidated opposition now led by the NDC. One fatal misstep by APC in the last mile of the race will make the ruling party lose the presidential race to the opposition. In the same vein, one last mile error in opposition's roadmap shall cost it the presidential victory, paving way for the second term return of APC to summit power. The high aspirant fees and levies currently governing the NDC and LP workbooks, the parties' respective deadlines for submission of forms and NDC's subsequent choke-notice screening are one misstep a wit too early, and should be revisited.


In the letter and spirit of the common commitment to save democracy in our fatherland, 


I am

Comrade Prince Tony Akeni Le Moin

National Convener,

Nigeria Cannot Continue Like This (NCC-LIT),

Save Democracy Mega Alliance (SDMA).

By Prince Tony Akeni, Sunday May 17, 2026



ATTENTION:


🔺His Excellency Sen. Seriake Dickson, National Leader NDC


🔺His Excellency Peter Obi, His Excellency Engr. Rabiu Kwankwaso, Presidential Ticket Aspirants NDC


🔺Distinguished Patriot Prof. Pat Utomi, Global Leader The Big Tent


🔺National Executive Councils, NDC, Labour Party and all stakeholders to whom it may concern



The 2027 General Elections, especially the Presidential Ballot, shall be akin to a penalty own goal for both the ruling APC and the consolidated opposition, now led by the NDC. One fatal misstep by APC in the last mile of the race will make the ruling party lose the presidential race to the opposition. In the same vein, one last-mile error in the opposition's roadmap shall cost it the presidential victory, paving way for the second term return of APC to summit power.


This is an urgent call for the Nigeria Democratic Congress (NDC) and the Labour Party of Nigeria (LP) to, amongst other matters arising, waive now or drastically reduce to near zero "Party Development" Fees, Expression of Interest Forms for financially disadvantaged aspirants, extend deadlines for obtaining/submission of forms, and subsequently to stagger aspirants screening across new dates.


This is why:


1.  The NDC's triple-step aspirant fees involving Expression of Interest Form, #3million;

Nomination Form  #5million; and what the NDC christens "Development Levy," #20million, totalling #28million for senatorial ticket, are prohibitive and unaffordable to many genuine aspirants and good governance enthusiasts who recently joined the party. To make matters worse, even though the fees are lower for House of Rep and State House of Assembly aspirants, these fees are to be paid within a short blood pumping notice of 14 days. The shortness of the notice to raise these amounts by aspirants affects the majority of them who thronged into the party from when Mr. Peter Obi joined the NDC on Sunday May 2, 2026 up to the high pressure closing date which officially ended at 6pm today Sunday May 17. Labour Party's ended two days ago on Saturday May 15, 2016.


2.  The above condition has constrained numerous potent, ballot winning popular aspirants who could not afford the fees to pull out in frustration. The wailing despair of these aspirants is audible and pandemic across the country and at both the NDC and LP national quarters in Abuja which were visited by monitors.


3.  Owing to the above reason, as aspirants pulled the breaks and some entirely cancelled out their vying interest, the NDC and Labour Party may not have active, viable and effectual candidates in many constituencies across the country unless they timely put in place measures to revisit the exercise and remedy the voids. 


4.  Flowing from Labour Party's experience in the 2023 elections, the far-reaching consequence of these overlooked aspirants vacuum is that the now frontline NDC opposition may win massive votes in many constituencies of the country but the absence of substantive candidates to lead ballot day trenches and to ensure that the party's votes are counted will leave room for sweeping rigging, ballot poaching, projection and announcement of false results by the ruling APC and its conniving institutions. 


5.  Furthermore, aggrieved opposition aspirants who were prevented from participating in the election because of their inability to meet the NDC's "unaffordable" Expression of Interest/Nomination Forms and "Development Levy" will be unenthusiastic to defend the votes of their constituencies for the NDC or NDC-LP coalition, if such alliance or similar fraternal ballot coalition came to play. 


6.  The frustration of being disallowed from being candidates will also make some previously pro-opposition actors become willing tools and easy converts to sellout the opposition's ballot harvests in their constituencies to the ruling party.


7.  Also from the experience of Labour Party in the 2023 elections, you will recall that the initial low affordability of LP aspirant forms and outright waivers in some cases enabled okada riders and candidates of similar low economic class to win elections on the party's platform. NDC, LP or any visionary opposition coalition will do itself a whale of good to replicate this template. This is because where a political party has active candidates, in the process of working hard to sell their candidacy to the electorates, they stamp the presence, strength and ballot teeth of their party in their constituency by installing effective party agents for victory. This will help the NDC and LP to have polling unit troops and vote protection loyalists in every constituency across Nigeria to checkmate rigging or announcement of false results, vices the ruling party is unprecedentedly noted for.


8.  Subsequent to the above, the NDC and LP should, as additional stratagem, make room for place-holding aspirants to fill every elective slot throughout the country, ensuring that such place-holders would seamlessly withdraw for substantive candidates before the expiration of INEC's candidates submission deadline. 


9.  Finally, to accommodate the initiatives propounded above, one will strongly urge that both the NDC, LP or any other partnership in the new post-ADC coalition should, as a matter of necessity, extend the deadline for collection and submission of forms, and their screening dates staggered accordingly as long as such extensions fall within INEC's political party activities timetable.


Conclusion


The 2027 General Elections, especially the Presidential Ballot, shall be akin to a penalty own goal for both the ruling APC and the consolidated opposition now led by the NDC. One fatal misstep by APC in the last mile of the race will make the ruling party lose the presidential race to the opposition. In the same vein, one last mile error in opposition's roadmap shall cost it the presidential victory, paving way for the second term return of APC to summit power. The high aspirant fees and levies currently governing the NDC and LP workbooks, the parties' respective deadlines for submission of forms and NDC's subsequent choke-notice screening are one misstep a wit too early, and should be revisited.


In the letter and spirit of the common commitment to save democracy in our fatherland, 


I am

Comrade Prince Tony Akeni Le Moin

National Convener,

Nigeria Cannot Continue Like This (NCC-LIT),

Save Democracy Mega Alliance (SDMA).

INEC ASKS FOR SUBMISSION OF POLITICAL PARTIES' MEMBERSHIP REGISTERS

INEC ASKS FOR SUBMISSION OF POLITICAL PARTIES' MEMBERSHIP REGISTERS

 


The Nigeria's Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) has in a press statement on Saturday asked for the fresh summation of political parties membership registers.


According to the electoral umpire, 22 registered political parties have successfully submitted their membership registers to the Commission in compliance with the Electoral Act 2026. 


The submission followed the extension granted by the Commission after political parties raised concerns during a meeting on Tuesday, March 24, 2026, regarding the timeline provided in the Revised Timetable and Schedule of Activities for the 2027 General Election. The Commission is pleased to note that all registered parties submitted their registers as of 8th May 2026, two days before the extended deadline.



PRESS STATEMENT 


SUBMISSION OF POLITICAL PARTIES' MEMBERSHIP REGISTERS


The Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) wishes to inform Nigerians and stakeholders in the electoral process that all 22 registered political parties have successfully submitted their membership registers to the Commission in compliance with the Electoral Act 2026. The submission followed the extension granted by the Commission after political parties raised concerns during a meeting on Tuesday, March 24, 2026, regarding the timeline provided in the Revised Timetable and Schedule of Activities for the 2027 General Election. The Commission is pleased to note that all registered parties submitted their registers as of 8th May 2026, two days before the extended deadline.


Following a meeting with political parties, the Commission, in a press statement issued on the 27th of March 2026, adjusted the deadline for the submission of party registers from 21st April 2026 to 10th May 2026 to align with the provisions of Section 77(4) of the Electoral Act 2026 and the actual dates fixed by political parties for their primaries. Political parties were accordingly allowed to conduct their primaries within the approved period from 23rd April 2026 to 30th May 2026, while the register of party members was required to be submitted to the Commission not later than 21 days before the conduct of their respective primaries.


INEC wishes to state that all registered political parties complied with the requirement within the extended timeframe and will subject the submitted registers to the necessary verification processes in line with the law. The Commission remains committed to the conduct of free, fair, credible and inclusive elections.


Mohammed Kudu HarunaChairman, Information and Voter Education Committee15th May, 2026

 


The Nigeria's Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) has in a press statement on Saturday asked for the fresh summation of political parties membership registers.


According to the electoral umpire, 22 registered political parties have successfully submitted their membership registers to the Commission in compliance with the Electoral Act 2026. 


The submission followed the extension granted by the Commission after political parties raised concerns during a meeting on Tuesday, March 24, 2026, regarding the timeline provided in the Revised Timetable and Schedule of Activities for the 2027 General Election. The Commission is pleased to note that all registered parties submitted their registers as of 8th May 2026, two days before the extended deadline.



PRESS STATEMENT 


SUBMISSION OF POLITICAL PARTIES' MEMBERSHIP REGISTERS


The Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) wishes to inform Nigerians and stakeholders in the electoral process that all 22 registered political parties have successfully submitted their membership registers to the Commission in compliance with the Electoral Act 2026. The submission followed the extension granted by the Commission after political parties raised concerns during a meeting on Tuesday, March 24, 2026, regarding the timeline provided in the Revised Timetable and Schedule of Activities for the 2027 General Election. The Commission is pleased to note that all registered parties submitted their registers as of 8th May 2026, two days before the extended deadline.


Following a meeting with political parties, the Commission, in a press statement issued on the 27th of March 2026, adjusted the deadline for the submission of party registers from 21st April 2026 to 10th May 2026 to align with the provisions of Section 77(4) of the Electoral Act 2026 and the actual dates fixed by political parties for their primaries. Political parties were accordingly allowed to conduct their primaries within the approved period from 23rd April 2026 to 30th May 2026, while the register of party members was required to be submitted to the Commission not later than 21 days before the conduct of their respective primaries.


INEC wishes to state that all registered political parties complied with the requirement within the extended timeframe and will subject the submitted registers to the necessary verification processes in line with the law. The Commission remains committed to the conduct of free, fair, credible and inclusive elections.


Mohammed Kudu HarunaChairman, Information and Voter Education Committee15th May, 2026

₦20 Trillion Is Missing From Nigeria's Federation Account - Olisa Agbakoba

₦20 Trillion Is Missing From Nigeria's Federation Account - Olisa Agbakoba

I want to ask Nigerians one simple question, and I want us to actually answer it together: WHERE DOES OUR MONEY GO?


T


he money you collectively earn as a country, every kobo of oil revenue, every customs duty, every company tax, every regulatory fee, and every court fine. The money that supposedly funds our roads, schools, hospitals, and police.


Most Nigerians do not know this, so let me start with something that may shock you: Nigeria has a special bank account. It is called the FEDERATION ACCOUNT. The 1999 Constitution created it in Section 162. Every kobo of revenue the federal government collects on behalf of Nigeria is supposed to flow into that one account. Then it is shared among the federal government, the 36 states, and the 774 local governments according to a sharing formula.


That is the law. That is what the Constitution actually says.


In 2025 alone, according to the World Bank's Nigeria Development Update, ₦14.94 TRILLION of federation revenue was "deducted" before it ever reached the Federation Account. That is 39% — nearly two-fifths — of what Nigeria earned, gone before any state or LGA saw a single kobo.


In 2024, NNPCL — Nigeria's biggest revenue generator — was supposed to remit ₦1.1 trillion to the Federation Account. It remitted ₦600 billion. Where is the ₦500 billion?

There is currently an active FAAC investigation into allegations that NNPCL under-remitted $42.37 BILLION between 2011 and 2017. At today's exchange rate, that is roughly ₦12.91 trillion. For perspective, that is more than our entire 2024 federal budget. From one company. Over six years. And remember, these are just the leakages we know about.


MEANWHILE, WE ARE DROWNING IN DEBT


Nigeria's total public debt at the end of 2025 was ₦159.27 TRILLION (Debt Management Office, February 2026). In 2023, debt service consumed 78% of federal revenue. In 2024, it consumed 69%. The IMF and World Bank recommend countries keep debt service to 30–40% of revenue. We are nearly double that benchmark. Out of every ₦1 the federal government earned last year, almost 70 kobo went to paying back loans. That leaves 30 kobo for everything else: hospitals, schools, roads, police, military, civil service salaries, infrastructure, and security— for 220 million Nigerians.


And what are we borrowing for? In large part, we are borrowing to fund services that our OWN revenues — if they actually reached the Federation Account — should be funding. Let that sink in. We are borrowing money, at interest, to replace money we already earned but never collected properly.


This is why fuel is expensive. This is why school fees doubled. This is why your salary buys less every month. This is why hospitals have no drugs. This is why universities are always on strike. This is not corruption in the abstract. This is a constitutional account that has been broken for 25 years.

Section 162 of the Constitution created the Federation Account in 1999. But the Constitution did not say:

• Who is supposed to keep the account safely?

• How quickly money must be remitted after collection

• Who audits the account?

• What happens if you steal from it?

• Whether the public is allowed to see the records


Twenty-five years of silence on these questions has allowed every kind of administrative trick to take root. Agencies deduct "management fees" before remitting. NNPCL retains "costs" before paying in. Some agencies open unauthorised sub-accounts. Some collect cash and never remit. The 2023 House of Representatives investigation found that ₦8.7 trillion passed through the Treasury Single Account but agencies had proliferated unauthorised parallel accounts the whole time.


The Minister of Finance HERSELF admitted in 2024 that until August of that year, the federal government could not fully see its own balance sheet. Read that line again. In 2024, the people running the country could not see all the money the country had.


I know somebody will ask this in the replies, so let me address it now.


The Treasury Single Account was introduced in 2015 by Dr. Okonjo-Iweala as Finance Minister. It was a well-intentioned reform — consolidate government accounts, reduce leakage. And for a few years, it helped reduce the number of MDA bank accounts.


But here is the problem: the TSA is NOT in the Constitution. It was an executive memo. A circular. It can be undone tomorrow by any President. And worse, it covers Federal Government cash management — it does NOT solve the constitutional problem of revenues belonging to states and LGAs being deducted before they reach the Federation Account. The TSA addressed symptoms. It did not cure the disease. Hence ₦14.94 trillion still vanished in 2025 — a decade after the TSA was introduced.


Dr Olisa Agbakoba (SAN) released a policy paper this month titled "Where Is Our Money? Nigeria's Federation Account Crisis and the Case for Reform." I have read it. You should read it too.


The proposed fix is honestly so straightforward that it is almost insulting that we have not done it already.


Drop your thoughts below. Tag your senator. Tag your governor. Share this with one person who does not know.

#WhereIsOurMoney #Section162


Source: Dr Olisa Agbakoba Legal Policy Paper, April 2026 — "Where Is Our Money? Nigeria's Federation Account Crisis and the Case for Reform.

I want to ask Nigerians one simple question, and I want us to actually answer it together: WHERE DOES OUR MONEY GO?


T


he money you collectively earn as a country, every kobo of oil revenue, every customs duty, every company tax, every regulatory fee, and every court fine. The money that supposedly funds our roads, schools, hospitals, and police.


Most Nigerians do not know this, so let me start with something that may shock you: Nigeria has a special bank account. It is called the FEDERATION ACCOUNT. The 1999 Constitution created it in Section 162. Every kobo of revenue the federal government collects on behalf of Nigeria is supposed to flow into that one account. Then it is shared among the federal government, the 36 states, and the 774 local governments according to a sharing formula.


That is the law. That is what the Constitution actually says.


In 2025 alone, according to the World Bank's Nigeria Development Update, ₦14.94 TRILLION of federation revenue was "deducted" before it ever reached the Federation Account. That is 39% — nearly two-fifths — of what Nigeria earned, gone before any state or LGA saw a single kobo.


In 2024, NNPCL — Nigeria's biggest revenue generator — was supposed to remit ₦1.1 trillion to the Federation Account. It remitted ₦600 billion. Where is the ₦500 billion?

There is currently an active FAAC investigation into allegations that NNPCL under-remitted $42.37 BILLION between 2011 and 2017. At today's exchange rate, that is roughly ₦12.91 trillion. For perspective, that is more than our entire 2024 federal budget. From one company. Over six years. And remember, these are just the leakages we know about.


MEANWHILE, WE ARE DROWNING IN DEBT


Nigeria's total public debt at the end of 2025 was ₦159.27 TRILLION (Debt Management Office, February 2026). In 2023, debt service consumed 78% of federal revenue. In 2024, it consumed 69%. The IMF and World Bank recommend countries keep debt service to 30–40% of revenue. We are nearly double that benchmark. Out of every ₦1 the federal government earned last year, almost 70 kobo went to paying back loans. That leaves 30 kobo for everything else: hospitals, schools, roads, police, military, civil service salaries, infrastructure, and security— for 220 million Nigerians.


And what are we borrowing for? In large part, we are borrowing to fund services that our OWN revenues — if they actually reached the Federation Account — should be funding. Let that sink in. We are borrowing money, at interest, to replace money we already earned but never collected properly.


This is why fuel is expensive. This is why school fees doubled. This is why your salary buys less every month. This is why hospitals have no drugs. This is why universities are always on strike. This is not corruption in the abstract. This is a constitutional account that has been broken for 25 years.

Section 162 of the Constitution created the Federation Account in 1999. But the Constitution did not say:

• Who is supposed to keep the account safely?

• How quickly money must be remitted after collection

• Who audits the account?

• What happens if you steal from it?

• Whether the public is allowed to see the records


Twenty-five years of silence on these questions has allowed every kind of administrative trick to take root. Agencies deduct "management fees" before remitting. NNPCL retains "costs" before paying in. Some agencies open unauthorised sub-accounts. Some collect cash and never remit. The 2023 House of Representatives investigation found that ₦8.7 trillion passed through the Treasury Single Account but agencies had proliferated unauthorised parallel accounts the whole time.


The Minister of Finance HERSELF admitted in 2024 that until August of that year, the federal government could not fully see its own balance sheet. Read that line again. In 2024, the people running the country could not see all the money the country had.


I know somebody will ask this in the replies, so let me address it now.


The Treasury Single Account was introduced in 2015 by Dr. Okonjo-Iweala as Finance Minister. It was a well-intentioned reform — consolidate government accounts, reduce leakage. And for a few years, it helped reduce the number of MDA bank accounts.


But here is the problem: the TSA is NOT in the Constitution. It was an executive memo. A circular. It can be undone tomorrow by any President. And worse, it covers Federal Government cash management — it does NOT solve the constitutional problem of revenues belonging to states and LGAs being deducted before they reach the Federation Account. The TSA addressed symptoms. It did not cure the disease. Hence ₦14.94 trillion still vanished in 2025 — a decade after the TSA was introduced.


Dr Olisa Agbakoba (SAN) released a policy paper this month titled "Where Is Our Money? Nigeria's Federation Account Crisis and the Case for Reform." I have read it. You should read it too.


The proposed fix is honestly so straightforward that it is almost insulting that we have not done it already.


Drop your thoughts below. Tag your senator. Tag your governor. Share this with one person who does not know.

#WhereIsOurMoney #Section162


Source: Dr Olisa Agbakoba Legal Policy Paper, April 2026 — "Where Is Our Money? Nigeria's Federation Account Crisis and the Case for Reform.

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