IMPERIAL IMPRINTS OF OYO: THE DIFFUSION OF ALAAFIN POLITICAL CULTURE, TITLES, REGALIA, AND SOCIAL INSTITUTIONS ACROSS YORUBALAND

  (Revised Scholarly Edition)

By Engr. O.A. Adekunle (Licensed Civil Engineer and Chartered Project Manager)

Writer and Publisher

ABSTRACT

The imperial system of the Oyo Empire constituted one of the most sophisticated political civilizations in pre-colonial West Africa. Beyond territorial expansion, its most enduring legacy lies in the cultural, institutional, and symbolic frameworks adopted across Yorubaland. This revised edition incorporates historiographical scholarship, demonstrating how earlier historians and anthropologists documented Oyo’s decisive role in shaping titles, governance systems, palace traditions, dress codes, and identity symbols among Yoruba polities.

1. INTRODUCTION

Among the Yoruba, political legitimacy historically derived from antiquity, sacred kingship, and institutional continuity. The Alaafin’s court represented the pinnacle of these principles. As towns gained autonomy or emerged from war camps, frontier settlements, or migration clusters, they frequently adopted Oyo-derived titles, court rituals, architectural forms, and administrative structures to legitimize rule and situate themselves within a recognized civilizational order.

2. LITERATURE REVIEW: EARLIER SCHOLARLY CONTRIBUTIONS

Historical understanding of Oyo’s influence has been shaped by pioneering scholars whose works remain foundational.

Samuel Johnson in The History of the Yorubas (1897) provided the earliest systematic narrative describing Oyo as the political nucleus from which many Yoruba institutions radiated. He documented the diffusion of titles, court etiquette, and dynastic traditions.

Robin Law emphasized Oyo’s military-administrative sophistication, particularly its cavalry system and provincial governance, demonstrating how its imperial model influenced successor states.

Toyin Falola analyzed Oyo as a cultural hegemon whose prestige encouraged imitation even beyond direct political control.

Anthropological studies by later researchers similarly highlight how symbolic institutions—dress, palace language, ritual hierarchy—spread through prestige emulation rather than conquest.

Collectively, these scholars agree that Oyo’s influence functioned less as domination and more as a civilizational template that other Yoruba polities consciously replicated.

3. DIFFUSION OF ARISTOCRATIC TITLES

Oyo’s chieftaincy system became the political vocabulary of Yorubaland. Titles such as Basorun, Balogun, Otun, Osi, Asipa, Agbaakin, and others were reproduced in emerging towns. The adoption of these titles signified constitutional inheritance rather than imitation alone. For example, military leaders in Ibadan adopted Oyo titles to affirm continuity with imperial political culture.

Titles functioned as institutional capsules carrying administrative authority, military hierarchy, and ritual legitimacy.

4. ADOPTION OF PALACE TERMINOLOGY AND INSTITUTION (ÀÀFIN)

Perhaps the most visible evidence of Oyo’s cultural standardization is the widespread adoption of the term Ààfin for royal palaces throughout Yorubaland. The palace was not merely a residence but a constitutional space embodying kingship, ritual, judiciary authority, and cosmology.

Examples of this diffusion include:

Ààfin Olubadan

Ààfin Ogbomoso

Ààfin Olofa

Ààfin Timi

Ààfin Ataoja Osogbo

Ààfin Oluwoni

Ààfin Akure

Ààfin Akire

Ààfin Alake Egba

Ààfin Aseyin

and numerous others

The adoption of identical palace terminology indicates institutional borrowing. By calling their palace Ààfin, rulers symbolically aligned themselves with Oyo’s sacred kingship tradition, thereby legitimizing authority through association with an established imperial archetype.

Architecturally, these palaces reproduced Oyo design principles:

multi-courtyard layouts

sacred ancestral shrines

throne halls for public audience

segregated administrative compounds

Thus, architecture became a political language.

5. ADMINISTRATIVE BLUEPRINT REPLICATED ACROSS YORUBALAND

Oyo’s governance model balanced monarchy with institutional checks. Successor states replicated this constitutional logic:

Element Oyo Prototype Adopted Variant

Sacred monarch Alaafin Oba-system equivalents

Council of chiefs Oyo Mesi Local ruling councils

Military aristocracy Eso corps War chiefs

Provincial governance Ajele District authorities

This structure demonstrates that Oyo’s influence persisted even after imperial decline because its system was structurally adaptable.

6. CULTURAL STANDARDIZATION THROUGH DRESS AND REGALIA

Court fashion conveyed hierarchy and civilization. Distinctive Oyo elite attire spread widely:

Abetiaja cloth associated with aristocratic masculinity

Esiki ceremonial fabrics symbolizing nobility

embroidered agbada and layered wrappers

beaded crowns and royal insignia

Through trade, diplomacy, and migration, these fashions became trans-regional symbols of legitimacy.

7. FACIAL MARKS AND IDENTITY SYSTEMS

Dynastic facial marks such as Abaja méfà méfà ti Oba (six-line royal marks) signified aristocratic lineage linked to Oyo. Other Yoruba groups developed variations inspired by these patterns. Facial marks thus served as visual declarations of political identity and cultural affiliation.

8. MECHANISMS OF CULTURAL TRANSMISSION

Oyo’s traditions spread through several historical processes:

1. Military outposts evolving into towns

2. Migration following wars and imperial collapse

3. Trade caravans disseminating fashion and titles

4. Diplomatic alliances and marriage networks

5. Prestige imitation by neighboring rulers

These mechanisms ensured that Oyo’s cultural grammar became a shared Yoruba political language.

9. ADDITIONAL INSTITUTIONAL CONTRIBUTIONS ATTRIBUTED TO OYO

Beyond titles and palaces, Oyo’s civilizational imprint included:

codified court etiquette and prostration hierarchy

drum language systems for royal communication

royal praise poetry traditions

standardized war command structures

ceremonial insignia for chiefs

diplomatic gift-exchange rituals

symbolic seating arrangements in councils

structured coronation rites

These elements formed a transferable statecraft package replicated across Yoruba towns.

10. CONCLUSION

The historical significance of Oyo lies not only in conquest but in standardization. By exporting political titles, palace institutions, regalia systems, dress codes, identity marks, and governance frameworks, the Alaafin’s court created a shared political civilization across Yorubaland. Successor states consciously adopted these forms to legitimize authority and situate themselves within an established tradition of kingship.

In effect, Oyo functioned as the constitutional and cultural academy of Yoruba political life. Even after imperial decline, its institutional DNA persisted in the palaces, titles, dress, and governance structures of later kingdoms. Oyo did not merely influence Yorubaland—it defined the grammar through which Yoruba sovereignty itself came to be expressed.

CITATION 

Engr. Adewuyi, O.A (2026). imperial imprints of oyo: the diffusion of alaafin political culture, titles, regalia, and social institutions across yorubaland (revised scholarly edition)

Oyo Empire Discussion; Just Like How God Must Exist.

Alaafin Owoade I 

The story is told of a school teacher who was an atheist. Everyday in class he told his young students about how "God does not exist." 

But one day a student stood up and said," Excuse me,sir. I think there must be God, either in real form, or in people's conscience. The fact that you're always talking about Him shows He exists, otherwise you won't be talking this much about Him. People don't usually talk about what does not exist. Do they?"

It was a confounding moment for the teacher!

Over the last few weeks, people have written a lot to remind us about Alaafin led Oyo empire and it's influence in Yoruba land. Another group has also mocked a lot to remind us about the empire and it's influence in Yoruba land. Of the two, I think the latter deserves the trophy. Like a meticulous shoe shiner, they have put in tremendous effort, through their contradictory claims and accusations, to bring to light the far reaching influence of the historical Yoruba empire. They were always at it. One moment they would post about how the empire was only Oyo and Aawe. some minutes after, they would mock about how "their king died while fighting to take back Ilorin." In the morning, they would post about how the influence of the empire was only felt in Tede, by afternoon they would be mocking about how "Lisabi defeated their army to break their hold on Egba". etc 

The thing is, like it or hate it, it is the only prominent Yoruba empire recorded in history. You can haul anything at it to belittle it, but certainly not reputable books of history, where is firmly established. Even a journalist Dare can only resort to frolicsome narratives without references. Even a journalist Wale can only attack with pun and other artistic repertoire that warrant no references making his antics a mere entertainment by an artist that he is.

No one trying to disparage the empire has been able to successfully use reputable books of history as his missiles. This is because the influence and the glory of the empire are well entrenched in history as recorded by several creditable books.

But for sheer hatred or other sentimental reasons, certain people want to travel back in time like "The terminator" to alter the age long history of the Yorubas as it happened. Their heart burning against the central role and status of the Alaafin in Yoruba history has pitched them against all reputable historical books and records. Certified historians, both dead and alive are now either biased in their accounts or bribed to write their books. All historians that ever wrote on Yoruba history of early times, Nigerians, non Nigerian Africans, Europeans were all biased to them - Talbot, CR Neeving, Allan Burn, Samuel Johnson, Saburi Biobaku, Kemi Morgan, Ade Ajayi, Obaro Ikime of historical society of Nigeria, Ghanian Adu Boahen, etc and all authors of history books we use in secondary school back in those days all conspired to be biased in favor of Alaafin! And the Queen of England too was also biased in favor of Alaafin for recognizing him as the paramount King that the British met!

At a time these set of people even started blaming the film producers. They questioned why nearly all epic films about Yoruba race must have something to do with either Alaafin or Oyo. But the fact is that it is at the instance or in relation to the head or the headquarters that the most significant or memorable events of history always occur, both the sweet and the sour ones - power, power struggle, declaration of wars, ceasefire, rebellion,detente, coup, regicide, secession, cultural initiatives, etc. Oyo kingdom back then served as the watershed from where many tributaries of Yoruba people and their cultures flowed to different parts of the country and beyond. It was the rally point for the fast expanding Yoruba race. Oyo as the capital is sometimes used in the historical context for the mainstream Yoruba body, the same way Washington or Abuja is sometimes used for US or Nigeria today. Oyo was the Yoruba body under the leadership of the Alaafin whose capital or seat of power was always Oyo, regardless of location.

Since in wartime, the capital and the head of government are always the main target of the enemies, change of location may occur for reason of war or other strategic reason. That does not diminish the status of the leader as some are trying to imply.

Dr Victor Omololu Olunloyo once reacted to such flimsy impression: " Capitals sometimes move or get moved. There used to be governments at all three levels in Lagos at one time. Local government was in the city hall, state government briefly on the Marina before going to Ikeja/Alausa and the federal government on Marina or Dodan barrack/Ribadu road. The seat of the federal government was later moved to Abuja, first Aguda house, then finally Aso Rock Villa, etc. Does that make the president of Nigeria a refugee among our native kinsmen farming around Aso Rock?"

Source; Oyo Empire Dairy 

DRIVING WITH REVERSE GEAR: The Nigerian Senate's Stance on Electronic Transfers of Election Results

Apagun 

In the ever-evolving landscape of Nigeria's electoral politics and management, the Senate’s recent position on the electronic transfer of election results encapsulates a significant dilemma. By proposing to make the electronic transmission of results optional, rather than a mandatory feature, the Senate risks undermining the progress toward a transparent and fraud-free electoral system that the country desperately needs and deserves as the most populous black nation of the earth.

A Pivotal Moment for Democracy

Nigeria, with its tumultuous electoral history marred by allegations of rigging, violence, and irregularities, for years has been striving for a more credible electoral process. The introduction of electronic voting and the real-time transmission of results was heralded as a progressive step towards achieving that goal. This technology has the potential to enhance transparency and accountability while significantly reducing opportunities for fraud. It was on this note that made some of our youths very active in the 2023 general elections until the bad news was broken; the presidential election could not be transmitted because of yet to be believed glitches in the transmission that failed to affect other elections conducted same day and same time. Many are still undoubtedly not able to comprehend the technicalities of the technical glitch nor dissipate the shockwaves that come along with the news.

However, the Senate’s decision to make electronic transfers optional flies in the face of public demand for a more robust system that we long for its compulsion and legalisation. It is akin to "driving with reverse gear" in a country yearning for forward momentum in its democratic processes. By not committing to mandatory electronic transmission, the Senate inadvertently perpetuates the very issues that have plagued Nigeria’s electoral framework.

The Risks of Optionality

Opting for an optional system on electronic transfers opens the door for inconsistencies and manipulation. Why would some states or electoral officials choose to transmit results electronically while others abstain? This inconsistency can lead to discrepancies in how votes are counted and reported across the nation. The potential for tampering, especially in areas where transparency is least guaranteed, remains a significant concern. 

Furthermore, allowing for an optional approach may sow distrust among voters. Citizens who have become increasingly aware of the importance of technology in ensuring electoral integrity might view the Senate's stance as a regression.  This could further diminish public confidence in the outcomes of elections, potentially leading to increased apathy or unrest. The paradox of the matter was that while this government is pushing for electronic tax collection system, electronic payment system, electronic passport, electronic identification system, the same government chooses to make optional that which is supposed to be preferencially electronically conducted and transmitted one time.

The Path Toward Technological Integration

Several countries around the world have successfully integrated electronic voting and result transmission into their electoral processes, enhancing the reliability and speed of election outcomes. For Nigeria to join this league and truly modernize its electoral system, it is essential to embrace these technological advancements fully. The last general elections conducted in India through electronic transmission was a wonder to behold, assessed and access despite her population.

Mandatory electronic voting and transmission could streamline processes, reduce human error, and facilitate quicker results, allowing for faster acceptance of electoral outcomes. In the face of the growing citizen demand for transparency and accountability, rejecting optimal technological solutions like mandatory electronic results transmission feels like driving while looking backward.

Public Sentiment and Political Will

The sentiment among the Nigerian populace is clear: there is a strong desire for a transparent electoral process. Civic organizations, activists, and ordinary citizens have rallied for stronger electoral reforms and a commitment to technology-driven solutions. The Senate's current stance appears disconnected from the pressing need to evolve Nigeria’s electoral practices.

For meaningful change to materialize, lawmakers must prioritize the sentiments of their constituents over political maneuvering. The focus should shift toward building a comprehensive electoral framework that not only accounts for the technological advancements available today but also addresses the systemic flaws that have historically compromised electoral integrity.

As Nigeria approaches future elections, the decision to keep the electronic transmission of results optional stands as a critical moment in the nation’s democratic journey. Driving with reverse gear may render the country vulnerable to the same pitfalls it has long sought to escape. It is imperative for the Senate and other stakeholders to take a definitive stand in favour of mandatory electronic voting and result transmission. By doing so, Nigeria can pave the way for a truly democratic system that reflects the will of its people, free from the shadows of fraud and manipulation. Only then can the nation drive forward, embracing a future where its elections are transparent, credible, and respected both locally and internationally.

Apagun Olaolu Samuel Babatunde

Chairman,

Labour Party, Ogun State

Balancing the Stool: Why Oyo State Must Rethink the Rotational Chairmanship of the Council of Obas

Alaafin Owoade I 

The emergence of His Royal Majesty, Oba (Dr.) Sefiu Olawale Oyebola Adeyeri III, Ajirotutu I, the Aseyin of Iseyinland, as Chairman of the Oke-Ogun Traditional Council is a welcome and historic development. It marks a quiet but important reawakening in Oke-Ogun one that signals readiness to participate fully in the traditional and political architecture of Oyo State. Yet, let us not confuse progress with completion, this is a step forward, not the finish line.

If the permanent chairmanship of the Oyo State Council of Obas could be disengaged from the Alaafin in the name of a new order and modern civilisation, then whatever replaced it must be anchored on balance, fairness, and clear equity among the state’s notable regions. Reform without fairness merely rearranges imbalance.

This is where fundamental questions arise. By what yardstick was the rotational arrangement designed such that Ogbomosho was accommodated ahead of Oke-Ogun? Was it population, historical depth, number of local governments, or political convenience? If local government spread is the benchmark, the facts are plain: Ibadan has eleven local governments, Oke-Ogun has ten, Ogbomosho has five, and Oyo town has four. On no rational scale does Oke-Ogun rank behind Ogbomosho in relevance or size.

Other states have resolved this dilemma with maturity. Ogun State’s rotational model among the Ijebu, Remo, Egba, and Yewa blocs demonstrates that equity strengthens unity rather than weakens tradition. Oyo State must borrow from this ideology if it is truly committed to transparency, fairness, and inclusion.

Any Oba who emerges as Chairman of the Oke-Ogun Traditional Council should, by logic and justice, be integrated into the rotational chairmanship of the Oyo State Council of Obas. Oke-Ogun cannot continue to operate at the margins of a structure it significantly sustains.

Yes, it is acknowledged that the Aseyin of Iseyin currently serves as the Secretary of the Oyo State Council of Obas. That position is noted and respected but it is not the destination,  Oke-Ogun cannot be permanently confined to administrative support roles. We cannot be the permanent secretary of a council where others rotate leadership. Just as we are perpetually assigned the deputy governor position in the political sphere, we must reject the idea that our destiny is to always play second fiddle in systems we collectively built.

His Royal Majesty, Oba (Dr.) Sefiu Olawale Oyebola Adeyeri is a bold, intelligent, and forward-thinking monarch, fully equipped for higher responsibility. Supporting his inclusion in the rotational chairmanship is not about ego or entitlement !  it is about dismantling an unwritten rule that quietly limits Oke-Ogun’s ascent.

Beyond structure lies dignity. At the Oyo State at 50 celebrations, many could not ignore how revered Obas were treated like second-class citizens in a state their forebears fought to establish. These are ancient thrones, custodians of history, land, and identity. To sideline them today is to disrespect the very foundation of Oyo State.

This moment calls for collective resolve. Oke-Ogun indigenes must assert their rightful place in the scheme of things. Our representatives in the Oyo State House of Assembly must remember that representation is not passive, they must stand up for their region as a bloc, not as isolated individuals, and abandon the comfort of rubber-stamp politics.

Indeed, there is an urgent need to call them home, for briefing, for alignment, and for accountability on this issue.

Balancing governance is not an act of confrontation, it is an act of justice. What is good for one must be good for all, a rotational chairmanship that excludes Oke-Ogun is neither progressive nor civilised, it is simply unfair.

Oke-Ogun has waited long enough, this is the time to stop standing beside the table and start sitting at it.

Akinwale Atepe writes from Abeokuta.

Exit of Peter Obi: A Litmus Test for the Labour Party (LP)

By Comrade Bashir Bello

The exit of Peter Obi from the Labour Party represents a defining moment; a litmus test  in the struggle of labour and the broader Left to chart a new course in the political emancipation of Nigeria’s subjugated workforce.

There is no doubt that workers constitute the bulk of the voting population. It is only through genuine identification with their material conditions, struggles, and aspirations that political forces can alter the direction of public policy in favour of the working class.

In the last general election, the Labour Party ,  like the Psalmist’s rejected cornerstone , suddenly rose to national political relevance. In a dramatic and unexpected leap, it emerged as a major force in the presidential and federal legislative elections, securing a strong third position.

This political surge was attributed to several factors, though certainly not to the strength of the labour movement itself. While some observers pointed to emotional and sentimental mobilization, often framed around ethnic and religious sentiments, others argued that the party’s success was largely driven by the personality and popularity of its presidential candidate, whose political stature overshadowed the party structure.

Both interpretations may contain elements of truth. However, one fact remains undeniable: Peter Obi contested under the banner of the Labour Party,  a party historically established through the efforts of the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC) and other labour organizations.

Looking ahead, what is required is not nostalgia, sentiment, or personality politics, but the emergence of a genuinely ideological Labour Party; one that is consciously rooted in Leftist principles, class consciousness, and social justice.

Such a party must be:

* Ideologically driven, not personality-centered

* 

Structurally grounded in the Left, with a clear political philosophy

* Cadre-based, built around disciplined, politically educated organizers

The Nigerian Labour Congress (NLC), the Trade Union Congress (TUC), and affiliated labour bodies must form the institutional backbone of this project, providing leadership, structure, and legitimacy at all levels: from branch and ward structures to state and national leadership.

The Labour Party must undergo serious reorganization -  rebuilding its ranks, reactivating its structures, and deploying its cadres into every community, ward, and constituency across the country to mobilize genuine grassroots support.

Only through this process can a true workers’ party emerge,  not merely a platform for electoral contests, but a political movement capable of transforming power relations and advancing the historic struggle for social, economic, and political justice in Nigeria.

This moment is not just about Peter Obi’s exit.

It is about whether the Labour Party will remain an electoral vehicle, or become a revolutionary instrument of working-class emancipation.

OPINION: ALAAFIN OWOADE AND THE POLITICS OF CHEAP BLACKMAIL

By Ade Sarafadeen Aderibigbe

Alaafin Owoade I 

Even President Bola Tinubu is likely to be currently green with envy. The way people are going, the president may order the shut down of the internet in the country, because in the last few weeks, Alaafin and Oyo Empire have edged the president out of focus on social media. Even people writing to criticize the empire or tell how their town or city was never influenced in the history by the Alaafin most times ended up mentioning Alaafin and Oyo Empire more than any other names in their refutal. It is not strange!

During the time of Alaafin Adeyemi 111, those who wanted to capitalize on certain event of party politics in the first republic to disparage the stool met more than their match in Alaafin Adeyemi. Alaafin Adeyemi was not just an eloquent speaker. He always backed up his claims with established historical records and glaring proofs.

The renewed onslaught against the throne of the Alaafin had started even before Alaafin Owoade assumed throne. If you have been following keenly, mercenary bloggers and paid writers had long stormed the social media, creating a box that suited their own fancy, which the incoming Alaafin must necessarily fit himself into, even if it doesn't reflect the royal status of his forbears in any way. Since the incoming king was young in age, they must have recorned he would easily be bullied by social media posts ( and not history) into accepting the relegation of Alaafin' throne. They were disappointed!

When the new Alaafin rejected their unfitting gown sewn in mischief and instead chose the exalted regalia of his forefathers, he suddenly became arrogant in their eyes. Those who hated the gut of Alaafin Adeyemi suddenly fell in love with how "he was gentle" unlike this one!

"See, he is young, why must be concerned about supremacy?" As if the best thing for him is to watch the throne he's occupying being dishonored and wait till he turns seventy and grows grey hair before he starts protesting the hanky-panky against his stool.

"Haa! What is all this? When he should be building companies and developing his town." Granted that it is part of an Oba's role to rally his people for the creation of jobs and societal developments. It is also a credit if he has the means to do so himself. But that is never the yardstick to measure the historical status of an Oba, and having an investment pushing mindset is not mutually exclusive to knowing the worth of his throne.

And is this not funny? People shake hands everyday. It is a gesture of friendship. The place and position is not important. People shake hands while sitting inside bus. They shake hands even when one of the two is lying on his bed in his hostel. They shake hands even if one is sitting inside his car and the other is standing by the side. It is when a supposed incident of snubbery in which Alaafin even seemed to be on the receiving end occurred that shaking hands while in sitting position suddenly became a taboo, "crude and primitive" according to a certain enlightened journalist and actor! Just imagine what hatred does to mentality!

What is going on now is not an attempt to repel any predominant influence since today's Obas have no constitutional rights to make policy in any state. What is happening is an orchestrated scheme to tramp down on history for self interests. On one hand are those who joined the conspiracy for mere sentimental or chauvinistic reason, and on the other hand are politicians trying to score political points, and using the Obaship thing to impress what they consider to be the largest block of the state population.

Yes, maybe the natives of Oyo take pride in hearing people saying "Ara Oyo lo l'Oba". But disparaging the referred stool of the Alaafin, in the long run does not just translate to humiliating the people of Oyo, if that would make you happy. It translates to uprooting the true meaning of the Obaship institution in Yoruba land. It disconnects that institution from its historical foundation and blots out its essence. It would soon make the Obas' stools look like a mere parallel arrangements to certain political portfolios of modern day democracy if that's what we now want them to be. And soon the younger generation would see a Yoruba Oba and say "look. Is that not Mr Oba coming?"

This is not largely about who emerged as the new Alaafin or any Oba's demeanor. Any discerning eye can see the true picture. This is more of political intrigue against the established history of the Yorubas.

Alaafin Owoade : An Embodiment Of Humility

BY BODE DUROJAIYE

Alaafin Owoade I 

Whenever there are thoughts of traits, leaders typically exhibit what

come to minds of many people including strength, charisma, enthusiasm,

and vision.

 One important component is often overlooked, which is humility.

There had been talks about the power of persuasion and this

over-the-top self-confidence in leaders, which is a very top-down

style oalaaf leadership.

People are increasingly competitive, attention-seeking, arrogance,

over-confidence, entitlement ,a perpetual focus on the self, and

narcissistic, obsessed with their appearance and entitled.

The essence of humility is recognizing your own limitations and place in the world without diminished self-worth, focusing outward, and valuing others; it's about thinking of yourself less, not thinking less of yourself, manifesting as openness, deep listening, acknowledging imperfection, and a willingness to learn and grow, contrasting with prideful self-importance. 

It's a quiet strength that fosters connection and collaboration by seeing shared humanity and appreciating wisdom from all sources.

 Recognising one’s limitations and interdependence fosters a humble approach to life.

All religions emphasise humility in both behaviour and belief, as they highlight the importance of responding with humility and kindness, even in the face of adversity.

They place  high value on humility, as humility is seen as a necessary attribute for spiritual growth and ethical living.

What is more, kindness is sometimes perceived as weakness in a world that often rewards aggression and self-interest. However, true strength lies in the ability to be kind and compassionate despite the potential for exploitation.

In reflecting on these , it becomes clear that humility is a universal value, celebrated across various religious and philosophical traditions. It is about recognising our interconnectedness and the value of others, regardless of our own status or success. 

To the Alaafin , Paramount Ruler of Oyo Kingdom and the Superior Head of Yorubaland, Oba Engineer Akeem Abimbola Owoade 1, humility is,  ""the highest virtue, the mother of them all"".

Oba  Owoade is  humble to a fault, as he does not only respect and give courtesy to others, give himself  that same courtesy and respect in return, assertive, not aggressive, self-confident  but never at the expense of others, and  give to others what they would essentially like to give to themselves.

Oba Owoade is open and receptive to alternate perspectives and ideas,  and does not put on an act to try to live up to lofty standards and expectations.

 As a result, Alaafin experiences less stress and anxiety, but always open to learning from every experience.

The Paramount Ruler puts others on a pedestal before himself, and this is not because they are inferior, weak-minded or lacking in self-esteem, but rather because he clearly understands that by raising others helps build their confidence.

These virtues of the Foremost  King of Yoruba nation are still being appreciated during his thank you visits to virtually prominent Yoruba Obas who attended his colourful coronation ceremony , and also to extend hands of unity, mutual co existence and love to the royal fathers for the much needed peace and development which had long been eluding the Yoruba nation. 

These steps clearly portrayed the Alaafin as an inspirational FATHER, who clearly understands how to play each role for the greater benefits of the traditional institutions in Yoruba land.

 Alaafin not only have a zest and appreciation for life, appreciate the smallest of things that others typically take for granted, and Is intensely focused on serving the greater good of others, Oba Owoade is always keenly aware of people’s desire, wants and needs.

Oba Owoade is of the conviction that "" unity holds the essential vision that we are one living, interconnected ecosystem—a living Earth that supports and nourishes all of its inhabitants. If we acknowledge and honor this simple reality, we can begin to participate in the vital work of healing our fractured and divisive world and embrace a consciousness of oneness that is our human heritage. This is the opportunity that is being offered to us, even as its dark twin is constellating the dynamics of nationalism, tribalism, isolationism, and all the other regressive forces that express ‘me’ rather than ‘we.’"

As a result, he listens intently when others are talking, and seek first to understand before jumping to any wayward conclusions.

As we navigate the complexities of success and human interactions, embodying humility can lead to more meaningful and respectful relationships, fostering a world where power and kindness coexist harmoniously.

 BODE DUROJAIYE, Director of Media and Publicity to the Alaafin, Paramount Ruler of Oyo Kingdom and the Superior Head of Yorubaland.  

The Alaafins of Oyo and the Archilles' Heel of Supremacy By Professor Omobowale

My position on this issue has always been constant, even if it is not very popular and it is anchored on the concept that whatever is accepted as the head should not be forced against  its will to become a tail -- 'Oun ti a ba fi se ori, ko ye ko di ru'.

I recall that my late father, Pastor Ebenezer Olumuyiwa Omobowale was the Permanent Secretary (Chieftaincy Affairs),  of the Old Oyo State, when the issue of supremacy and who should be the Permanent Chairman of the Council of Obas first reared its head between Oba Lamidi Adeyemi III and Oba Okunade Sijuwade, the Ooni of Ife. I recall that in those days, both the civil servants, as well as the civilian and military administrators of Oyo State, walked on eggshells so as not to offend the two Kings whose rivalry made the Council almost ineffective and this continued until the creation of Osun State in 1991.  I now hail from Osun state, and I would try to be impartial and objective in my comments on this issue on whether the Olubadan and Soun should enjoy the same status as the Alaafin of Oyo. 

Oba Adeyemi III was a good keeper of records, and some of the information that I would subsequently share here are both public knowledge that he widely re-circulated in his various letters to support his position that the Alaafin of Oyo was the most prominent Yoruba ruler prior to the introduction of colonialism.  It is widely known that the British colonial administrators regarded and referred to Alaafin Adeyemi Alowolodu I as the Head of the Yoruba Nation. This was documented and there were different meetings which took place in Oyo town and which were attended by prominent Yoruba kings like the Alake of Egbaland and the Ooni of Ife, under the chairmanship of Alaafin Siyanbola Ladigbolu I, who  succeeded Oba Adeyemi Alowolodu I. Professor Wole Soyinka's play, *Death and the King's Horseman*, is based in the tragic incidents that occurred in Oyo after the demise of Alaafin Siyanbola Ladigbolu. In 1911, Captain Ross, the head of the Oyo Province, had asked Ladigbolu whether he wanted Oyo to become the permanent capital of the province. Ladigbolu rejected the idea, apparently, because he wanted to limit the influence of Western civilisation on the people of Oyo town. Oftentimes, I have wondered if there would have been any controversy about the foremost position of the Alaafin of Oyo among Yoruba Kings if Oyo had become the political capital of Yorubaland, like Ibadan. I am sure that the Alaafins would have had enough clout to assert their rights as Yorubaland's leading monarchs, in what has now become perilous times for them.

As we are all aware, the 19th Century was a period of great upheaval and turmoil in Yorubaland as a result of the incursion of the Fulanis from Ilorin and the various attempts by the various sub units of the Yoruba to assert their independence from Oyo. There is no gainsaging the fact that the Oyo Empire, which had stretched from parts of present-day Niger State to parts of present-day Togo, was in dire straits. However, despite that fact, most of the different kingdoms in Yorubaland still accepted the pre-eminent status and position of the Alaafin of Oyo. It was this knowledge that made Oja - whose descendants are located in Isale Oyo till today- to willingly accept the overlordship of Alaafin Atiba Atobatele, when he relocated the capital of the Oyo Empire to Ago Oja after his predecessor, Alaafin Oluewu was killed by the Fulanis. 

Atiba had taken the decision to capitalise on the military strength of Ibadan in order to protect the remnants of the Oyo Empire from the destructive incursions of the Fulani of Ilorin and their Yoruba collaborators. By the time Atiba moved to Ago Oja, Ibadan had become a formidable military outpost. It had been established in the early part of the 19th Century, around 1829, as a war camp, on land that previously belonged to people who relocated to Abeokuta and who we now refer to as the Egbas. At the onset, Ibadan's early settlers came from Ife, and the most prominent of these people were warriors like Lagelu and Maye. However, with the passage of time, most of the families in Ibadan, as well as the political leadership, came from parts of Yorubaland that had always accepted the supremacy of the Alaafin of Oyo. Ibadan now became the Protector of Oyo, even while her political leaders disputed the position of the Alaafin as their supreme sovereign and overlord. The fact that Ibadan accepted the leadership of Oyo was clearly reflected in the Ibadan- Ijaye War. Alaafin Atiba had told the Ibadans to ensure that his son, Adelu, succeeded him. The Ibadan implemented Atiba's directive to the letter by attacking Ijaye, a war that ended in 1865, with the death of Kurunmi. Thus, while a chequered relationship existed between Oyo and Ibadan, the Alaafin's supremacy was not in doubt. This was why someone like  Latosisa, who was originally from Ilora, an Oyo vassal, requested that Alaafin Adeyemi Alowolodu I should make him the Aare Ona Kakanfo of Yorubaland despite the fact that Ojo Aburumaku of Ogbomosho, who was Aare Ona Kakanfo at the time that Latosisa became the ruler of Ibadan, was still alive. Adeyemi I agreed to this request, which foregrounded the dependence of the remnant of the Oyo Empire on Ibadan. 

Now, the pertinent question is this: Should Ibadan's position as the defender of Oyo in the 19th Century translate into equal status for the rulers of Oyo, Ibadan, and even Ogbomoso today? In Japan, a similar situation existed for thousands of years, prior to the defeat of Japan, in 1945, after the end of the Second World War. In Japan, the Yamato Dysnasty has ruled for almost 2,000 unbroken years, with the throne directly passing from father to son. Throughout the long history of the Japanese Imperial Family, the members have always been protected by powerful military families known as the Shoguns, who  never tried to upstage or displace the Japanese Emperor. I believe that the rulers of Ibadan also had this orientation, and that relationship subsisted up till 1936, when Baale Okunlola Abbass Aleshinloye became the first Olubadan of Ibadan and the first ruler of Ibadan to wear a beaded crown. In the case of Ogbomosho, the first Soun to wear a beaded crown was Oba Jimoh Oyewumi Ajagungbade III, who despite strong opposition from the Western State government and Alaafin Adeyemi III, insisted on wearing a crown at his coronation in 1973!

The problems that the rulers of Oyo town have today, in asserting the pre-eminent position of Oyo's Kings, are largely traceable to the politics of the Western Region in the late 1940s and the early 1950s. After the establishment of the Egbe Omo Oduduwa by the late Chief Obafemi Awolowo, he needed something that could unite all the Yorubas together under a single umbrella. That unifying symbol was Ile Ife to and Ooni Adesoji Aderemi was central to making Awolowo's dreams a reality. The promotion of Ife and the Ooni of Ife by the Action Group government effectively sidelined the Alaafins of Oyo. Unfortunately, for the Oyo royal family, there was also a perception that the rulers of Oyo had alligned themselves with Nnamdi Azikiwe's NCNC party, and this belief was accentuated by the verbal clash between the Balogun of Oyo, Chief Bode Thomas and Alaafin Adeyemi II in 1953. The death of Bode Thomas immediately after his encounter with Alaafin Adeyemi II led to the dethronement of Alaafin Adeyemi II that same year,  after which he was banished to Lagos. By the time his successor, Oba Bello Gbadegesin Ladigbolu II, became the Alaafin in 1955, Ooni Aderemi had been ruling Ile Ife for 25 years and he had the total support of the AG government. There was no way a Bello Gbadegesin Ladigbolu could assert his rights as the foremost Yoruba Oba. His successor, Alaafin Adeyemi III became Alaafin in 1971, by which time, Ooni Aderemi had been on the throne for 41 years and the late Chief Obafemi Awolowo still had an overwhelming influence on events in the Western part of Nigeria! Apart from this, the memoirs of the late Dr Omololu Olunloyo have revealed that Olunloyo even consulted Ooni Aderemi when he was trying to find someone to succeed the late Alaafin Bello Gbadegeson Ladigbolu. The import of this was that up until the death of Ooni Aderemi in 1980, it was practically impossible for Alaafin Adeyemi III to do anything worthwhile to stop his non recognition as Yorubaland's leading King. Thus, the installation of Ooni Sijuwade II, in 1980, became an opportunity for Alaafin Adeyemi III to correct what he believed was an anomaly. Unfortunately, the battle for supremacy between the two men, opened what has now become a Pandora's Box in Oyo State and tje rest of Yorubaland. 

The context within which any Alaafin would look at the constitution of any Council of Obas and Chiefs that fails to recognise the historically supported pre-eminent position of Oyo is this: up till 1936, every Baale of Ibadan or prominent chief installed in Ibadan was with the consent of the Alaafin of Oyo. In the case of Ogbomosho, up till 1973, no Soun could be installed in Ogbomosho without the consent of the Alaafin of  Oyo. This, I believe, is the crux of the matter. 

On this platform, some people have argued that it is imperative that we should move with the times and that every Alaafin must accept that the status of Oyo's  former vasssls, the Olubadan and the Soun have changed. They position that the Alaafin is now primus interpares or first among equals. However, there is also some truth in the saying that a river that forgets its source will dry up, eventually. I would like to contextualise the matter further by using this illustration from the Ibadan Traditional Council. Right now, the Alakufo of Akufo and Onido of Ido are regarded as kings. Will any Olubadan, in future accept that these 2 kings - the Alakufo and the Onido should rotate the Chairmanship of the Ibadan Traditional Council with him? Even Olubadan Ladoja had issues with Ibadan High Chiefs becoming Obas!

I think that the simple solution to this issue is for the government to recognise the position of the Alaafin of tje most prominent king in Oyo State. History supports this position and it is imperative that we must  not forget the past if we desire a meaningful development of our future. In the Northern part of Nigeria, the prominent position of the Sultan remains unchallenged and I do not know why this cannot be sustained in Oyo State, with regards to the Alaafin of Oyo. Like I said yesterday, despite the reduced status of the defunct British Empire, the British Sovereign is still celebrated as the most prominent royal personality in the whole world.

By Professor Emmanuel Omobowale

Department of English

University of Ibadan. 

OPINION: A STATEMENT IN DEFENCE OF THE ALAAFIN THRONE AND APPRECIATION TO OYO MESSI

I wish to specially appreciate and thank Oyo Messi for the role they played in guiding and lecturing His Imperial Majesty, Oba Akeem Owoade, during his period in Ipebi. What we are witnessing today clearly shows that the Alaafin was thoroughly and properly guided. Without such guidance, the Alaafin throne could have been gravely mishandled, and those who do not deserve to undermine the throne might have taken undue advantage of the situation.

Although I am not from Oyo State, I can state categorically, as a prince from a respected royal lineage, that what the Alaafin is doing today is right, proper, and in the best interest of Yoruba tradition and history.

The Alaafin has made the Yoruba people proud. He has demonstrated to every reasonable and historically conscious Yoruba person that there is hierarchy and supremacy in traditional kingship, and that these principles must be respected. For this, I once again say thank you to Oyo Messi, and may Almighty God bless them and all those genuinely committed to preserving our heritage.

I am not writing to criticize any individual or any king. Rather, my intention is to educate our sons and daughters that we will not allow modern civilization or exposure to erode, weaken, or erase our tradition, culture, and historical institutions.

The Alaafin should not allow the rotational chairmanship of the Oyo State Council of Obas to weaken his authority or diminish the weight of his throne. He must continue to protect, defend, and promote the integrity, supremacy, and sanctity of the Alaafin throne. It must be clearly understood that this matter is not about the individual occupying the throne, but about the throne itself, the Oyo Empire, and the entire Yoruba traditional system.

The Alaafin throne is a highly respected institution across Yorubaland. It must never be disregarded or reduced because of politics, personal interests, or temporary power struggles.

His Imperial Majesty, Oba Akeem Owoade, must not allow himself to be misled by those who advise him to accord undue reverence to those who are traditionally below him. This is not about his personal name or identity; he is now the Alaafin of Oyo, and with that position comes the responsibility to uphold, preserve, and promote Yoruba culture and tradition without compromise.

Historically and factually, the Alaafin throne remains the most powerful traditional throne in Yorubaland and represents the only established empire within Yoruba history. Anyone who seeks to deny the supremacy of the Alaafin should publicly state which empire their town belonged to, and provide credible historical records, documents, and evidence to support such claims.

There are well-documented historical and colonial records confirming that the Oyo Empire extended its influence beyond Yorubaland, including parts of the Benin Republic. These records exist. Therefore, any attempt to rewrite history must be supported with facts, not sentiments.

It is unfortunate that some towns which did not possess crowned kings in the 14th and 15th centuries are now claiming parity or seniority with the Alaafin throne. Even towns that only began seeking crowns in the 1980s are today challenging established historical authority. This is misleading and must stop.

Once again, let it be clearly stated: the only empire in Yorubaland is the Oyo Empire under the Alaafin. Any contrary claim must be supported with verifiable historical proof, not emotional attachment to one’s hometown.

I reiterate that I am not from Oyo State. I was born and raised within respected royal families in Lagos and Ogun States, and I speak purely from historical knowledge, cultural responsibility, and deep respect for Yoruba heritage.

Finally, I sincerely appreciate Oyo Messi and urge them not to abandon the Alaafin. They should continue to guide, advise, and encourage His Imperial Majesty on what ought to be done and what must be avoided, so that respect is fully restored to the Alaafin throne and to Yoruba tradition and culture as a whole.

Prince Amb. (Dr) Adedipe Dauda Ewenla

Technician Surveyor | Real Estate Investor | Security Expert.

ALAAFIN : The Imperial Throne of Yoruba Political Power (1)

" Rewriting history is dangerous. Nobody can deny that the collective sweat of the Yorùbá people is a shared responsibility of the people irrespective of where they are from, but central in such reality is the Alaafin, who would always make himself available for his people. As such, he is expected to call  the people to order when he notices things are not moving. Nobody dares to undermine the authority of the Alaafin among the Yorùbá people. For that reason, the new Alaafin should immediately take the authority of his office to see to the installation of the proper virtues on the thrones of Yorùbá kings. In essence, the Alaafin can make other chiefs accountable for their people and the Yorùbá populace generally by making them take charge of what is expected""...... Renowned Historian, Professor Toyin Falola. 

By  BODE  DUROJAIYE .

Falsehood cannot thrive over truthfulness in the long term because it is fundamentally unsustainable, requiring constant maintenance and additional deception to survive, whereas truth is anchored in reality and remains consistent.

 While falsehood may offer temporary comfort or gain, it ultimately collapses under the weight of evidence, time, and its own internal contradictions.

There are a plethora of factors known to influence a decision. This might include money, social status, personal biases, and gullibility.

Unfortunately, none of those factors directly equate to sincerity. They can, however, influence someone’s perspective.

Truth has a quiet way of revealing itself. No matter how carefully lies are hidden or how long they are protected, they cannot last forever. Deception may delay reality, but it never erases it.

In the end, honesty stands firm while falsehood fades. Truth does not need force or defense—it simply waits for the right moment to surface. And when it does, it brings clarity, accountability, and the chance to move forward with integrity.

However,  the Alaafin, "Owner of the Palace",  symbolizes the Imperial Glory of the Yoruba Empire.

The institution remains a Custodian of Yoruba culture, politics, and tradition.

It serves as a reminder of the Yoruba’s sophisticated pre- colonial political system, one that balanced power with accountability.

The Alaafin is not merely a king but the embodiment of Yoruba Imperial Heritage and political power. From the days of the mighty Oyo cavalry till today,  the revered throne has stood as a beacon of Yoruba identity.

 Today, it continues as one of the most respected monarchies in Africa, uniting tradition with modern cultural pride.

The Alaafin also  remains a Premier symbol of Yoruba heritage due to his role as the Paramount Custodian of the traditions, history, and, historically, the Political Power of the Oyo Empire.

 As the descendant of Oranmiyan, grandson of Oduduwa, the Alaafin embodies the continuity of a legacy that once functioned as the military and administrative stronghold of the Yoruba people. 

What is more, the Alaafin serves as the Guardian of Yoruba Cultural Identity and is considered a unifying force for the Yoruba people.

With the title meaning "owner of the palace," the Alaafin is seen as a central authority and is considered Ekeji Orisha, a direct spiritual representative on earth, initiated into mysteries like Ifa and Sango.

Ancient protocols are still observed at the Alaafin’s Palace, which symbolizes Yoruba royalty and governance and reflects a deep, unbroken traditional authority.

In contemporary times, the Alaafin is viewed as a "bridge between the past and the future," continuing to uphold the dignity and legacy of the Oyo kingdom. 

President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu , during the colourful coronation ceremony of the Alaafin, His Imperial Majesty, Iku Baba Yeye, Oba Engineer Abimbola Akeem Owoade 1,  described the Alaafin stool "" as a Symbol of Cultural pride, unity, and the enduring legacy of one of Africa’s most powerful empires"".

Tinubu said: “Kabiyesi, your ascension to this revered throne comes at a critical time in our nation’s history. Nigeria is navigating complex challenges, and traditional institutions like the Alaafin’s stool remain ""vital in fostering peace, promoting cultural identity, and supporting governance"". 

 President Tinubu affirmed his commitment to preserving our cultural heritage by supporting initiatives that promote our rich traditions and ensure that Nigeria’s diverse cultures remain a source of strength. 

According to the President,  "" to the great people of Oyo, I urge you to rally behind your new Alaafin, support his vision, and uphold the values of peace, tolerance, and development. Let us remember the words of the late Alaafin, Oba Lamidi Adeyemi III: “A kingdom thrives when its people are united in purpose.

"" For the Alaafin, you are on the threshold of history as successor to Oba Adeyemi III who was one of the most influential and longest-reigning monarchs in Yoruba history. His reign was a period of cultural renaissance, political influence, and socio-economic development for Oyo Town, Oyo State, and the Yoruba nation at large""..

Also, a renowned  Yoruba Historian, Professor Toyin Falola has this to say, ""rewriting history is dangerous. Nobody can deny that the collective sweat of the Yorùbá people is a shared responsibility of the people irrespective of where they are from, but central in such reality is the Alaafin, who would always make himself available for his people"".

 He went further, "" as such, he is expected to call  the people to order when he notices things are not moving. Nobody dares to undermine the authority of the Alaafin among the Yorùbá people. For that reason, the new Alaafin should immediately take the authority of his office to see to the installation of the proper virtues on the thrones of Yorùbá kings.

"" In essence, the Alaafin can make other chiefs accountable for their people and the Yorùbá populace generally by making them take charge of what is expected"".

The position of Oba, Prof. Falola pointed out, is an exclusive toil of selfless and relentless figures who were deeply rooted in indigenous power, and it should not be usurped by" " people masking their desire to please their expansionist allies"".

 Alaafin Owoade quite understands the need for contemporary leadership that is ethical and people-oriented. 

He is also aware that  socio-cultural import of Yorùbá history is that anyone sitting on that stool would inherit such character of leadership because they are meant to repel danger away from the Yorùbá world, hence he is doing this by striving hard  to uphold  leadership responsibilities and initiatives. 

To be continued......

THE LAST STRAW: Understanding the Breaking Point

Apagun 

It is often said, he who undermine the cotton wool to the effect that it cannot amount to a load, simply indicate that such is having just a trimmed piece to be soaked in oil for illumination of his room. In life, we often encounter a myriad of challenges and frustrations. These can range from minor annoyances to significant obstacles that test our resilience. However, there comes a moment for many when a seemingly small issue becomes the proverbial “last straw,” leading to a breakdown or a decisive change. This concept, illustrating the tipping point in various situations, is crucial to understanding human behaviour and societal dynamics.

 The Origin of the Phrase

The phrase “the last straw” has its roots in the idea of a proverbial straw that broke the camel’s back. It evokes an image of the cumulative effect of many small burdens, considered to be lightweight, leading to a breaking point. Historically, it has been used to convey how a single, seemingly minor issue can lead to significant consequences when added to accumulated stressors. The Yoruba's conclusion of the matter asserted that a shrimps eater will never be satisfied by a piece while Wisdom cried out through the scripture that: "Three things that are never satisfied, yea, four things says it's not enough: The grave, and the barren womb; the earth that is not filled with water, and the fire that says it's not enough.

 Political Perspectives

In personal relationships, the last straw can manifest as the breaking point of patience and tolerance. For example, in a friendship where one party continuously neglects commitments or exhibits self-centered behaviour, a trivial incident—like forgetting a significant date—might provoke an intense emotional reaction. This reaction serves as a catalyst for reevaluation of the relationship’s viability, prompting discussions about boundaries and expectations.

In the political space, the last straw can occur when a contestant, or a political leader feels overburdened with responsibilities, coupled with inadequate recognition or support. A small miscommunication, misconception, misrepresentation or a political miscalculation or disappointment may trigger feelings of frustration, leading the assumed or presumed political genius to reconsider their role and stand within the political party. This notion underscores the importance of fostering a supportive political environment, where individuals feel valued and their contributions recognized.

Societal Implications

The concept of the last straw extends beyond political experiences and infiltrates societal issues. Social movements often arise when nations reach a tipping point, catalyzed by a series of injustices. The recent global focus on social justice movements can be traced back to numerous incidents—each a straw added to a heavy load—culminating in widespread outrage and demand for change. For example, in cases of systemic inequality or police brutality, a single incident often mobilizes communities to rally together, highlighting the profound impact of cumulative frustration. The consequences is best  known by the government of the day, as "Sọ̀rọ̀-sókè" within moments birthed "End SARS Movement" which Mr. Peter Obi amongst some notable politicians, human right and social activists benefited largely from and used as a launch pad.

Coping with the Break Point

Recognizing the signs of nearing a breaking point is crucial for maintaining emotional well-being and a political spring board. Getting prepared to take advantage of opportunities that presented itself and making the best use of it sometimes makes a ready man steady in an acrobatic political  achievement and pedigree, but when the refiner's fire comes, all rudimentary elements and attachments will be done away with leaving such with the real man under the masquerade. But for some whose presence is no longer essential, it's better to bow out honourably when the ovation is loudest. What you do during your appointed time that brings honour and ovation may likely be the same thing you do to be dishonoured when your time is overdue.

In the last couple of years, we've all witnessed the rise of Julius Abure ni Nigerian political space alongside Mr. Peter Obi, but the last couples of days have been very turbulent for him as he sinks deeper by the day for his overtures, overtime and overbearing influence and grip on the Labour Party, his unabated tight fisted control wall of the party has been bombed by his dumb sycophants surrounding him, having fumbled, the political wall built around him crumbled through aerial missile warplane, while the foot soldiers are taking charge on ground. Severally he has been offered soft landing, but a head that will receive a butt, if placed in an SUV, will definitely stretched the head out of the car at Oshodi or Mushin-Oloosha. Just like Maduro, weeks before his capture, he had been offered asylum in Turkey with his wealth intact and protected, but the head that will eventually eat Vulture for dinner will not accept Turkey in the daytime.

Obi and his New Cross 

 The issue of politicians switching parties and the challenges facing Nigeria are complex topics. Party switching can be driven by various factors, such as:

- Personal ambition

- Disagreements with party policies or leadership

- Seeking better opportunities or alliances

In the case of Mr. Peter Obi, it is all of the above and some many more that are not visible but feasible. And it should be noted that this is not the first time he will be switching a political platform, leaving such party's licking their wounds. One of the Yoruba proverbs has stated that a woman courted through dancing skills will surely be drawn away while watching a public show.

Regarding the ability of a leader to fix problems, it's true that a leader's track record and experience can impact their effectiveness. However, it's also important to consider the role of systemic issues, institutional challenges, and the need for collective effort in addressing complex problems like those facing Nigeria. A leader is supposed to be a problem solver not the one who runs away in face of danger. Peter Obi as a political leader of Labour Party for more than three years without profering solution to the party's lingering issues has exposed his weakness and vulnerability. Like a general statement in Yorubaland, someone just returned from a warfronts, and claimed to have killed six men in the cause of fighting for his nation, as he was about stepping out, he stepped on six chicks, killing them instantly, he saw some group of people at the village square playing 'Ayo', s kind of African game and defeated six people at a row, the general opinion of the Yoruba's was that if we are not witnesses to the six men he acclaimed to have killed in the warfare, we can bear witnesses to his present exploits.

The present arrangement of using ADC as a political platform for coalition is questionable as it is a subversive subtle merger of opposition political parties, the truth was that ADC was acquired by groups of political stalwarts for the purpose of acquisition of power. This is not the first time we will be having a coalition in Nigerian political arrangement, like in 1999, Chief Olu Falae did not relinquish his membership of Alliance for Democracy before he contested using the platform of All People's Party. With this present arrangement, the identity and ideology of all political parties participating will go into oblivion without categorically stating it's a merger. 

Ever since, ADC have been hustling and bustling with activities, the membership of other parties are now being subverted to build another one without any agreement by the party structures and leadership at the highest level just because those who are behind the arrangement knew they do not have a political party they could call their own. Is it not foolhardy, for a political party who has millions of vote in the last general elections to now enter an arrangement using a party in numbers of thousands? Will the foundation of this unholy alliance stand the test of time? Only time could tell. When ACN, nPDP, CPC and faction of APGA came together in 2014 to defeat the ruling PDP, what has Nigerians benefited from the arrangement? More Poverty, and the likes, and in this case most of those who are together today do not have the political pedigree to be entrusted with the Commonwealth of Nigeria. 

The last straw serves as a powerful metaphor for understanding human reactions to cumulative stressors. By recognizing the potential for small issues to escalate into significant emotional responses, we can foster healthier relationships, create supportive environments, and promote societal change. Most importantly, understanding this concept empowers us to take proactive measures to prevent reaching our own breaking points, ultimately leading to a more resilient life. The Nigerian political space has been overstretch to the breaking point, which will eventually necessitate the emergence of the newest political leaders we can trust, as the old bunch of politicians are settling age long scores amongst themselves, God will in his infinite mercies appoint unto us a shepherd that will not run away when the predators are on rampage.

Apagun Olaolu Samuel Babatunde 

Chairman, Labour Party

Ogun State.

Why the ALAAFIN can Neither be Ridiculed Nor Insulted

 

BY BODE DUROJAIYE

Alaafin 

The sacredness of the Alaafin Monarchy system is one of the few reasons why 

Oyo traditional system and values have garnered so much respect and admiration over the years.

The Alaafin inspires nothing short of reverence. The almost magical and legendary feats of Iku Baba Yeye  in times past have also blessed the chapters of oral history, with in-depth documentation of historical accomplishments. 

In the often larger-than-life narrative surrounding royalty in Yoruba land, Alaafin didn’t rule his domain as mere mortal,  but like a god and  Veritable Custodian of art and culture.

 One part as a King and one part as a Father to all living and non-living creatures; including the beings that abide in the forest, under the sea and below and above the different layers of the heavens.

The Alaafin's power is likened to that of the gods!

 Iku Baba Yeye , Alaase Orisa; this paean places the Paramount Ruler on the same pedestal as the gods. Still, Alaafin is accountable to his people and the gods of the land. His primary duty is to develop his domain, as well as protect and develop every aspect of the socio-cultural well-being of the  Yoruba land.

The future of heritage, culture and arts of a nation rest on the shoulders of the traditional rulers, like the Alaafin, and the traditional institutions around him.  As a Guardian of Culture,  Alaafin is first and last line of defence against foreign interruption and infiltration in Yorubaland.

But over the years, the culture and heritage of the Yoruba nation have not been as vibrant and elegant as it used to be. Infiltration and dilutions in so many ways have caused people to abandon the old ways. 

Traditional values and morals laid down by our forefathers have been jettisoned for western and modern ways of life which have brought us nothing but decay and a breakdown of order and values inherent in our traditional systems.

Is it safe to say that Obaship and Traditional Institutions in Yoruba land have been compromised and stained because of the aim of amassing wealth and affluence?

The appalling breakdown of law and order and the moral decadence in Yoruba land calls for urgent attention and resolution.

The future of any developed Nation and country depends on his preservation of its history, culture, heritage, arts and culture. The richness of the Yorùbá culture and heritage connects the world just as the Atlantic Ocean connects diverse countries. Its level of wealth is multi-layered, hence, it must be protected at all cost and the role of the Obaship and traditional institutions in delivering this duty is important.

The legacy of the Alaafin and  the Superior Head of Yorubaland  cannot be erased from the pages of history.

It is our collective responsibility to ensure that our culture, heritage and arts must be preserved, not also not forgetting that every son and daughter of the Yoruba Nation must strive to be an outstanding  "Omoluwabi""; an upright and well-nurtured individual in the community.

The Obaship and Traditional Institutions should not just care about rituals and traditional worship but should look inward and see how the land can be developed socio-culturally, morally, and in every way possible. 

This must be done with diligence, respect and an open mind devoid of parochialism, recriminations, vendetta and nauseating propaganda. 

Time and seasons have changed and in moving forward we have to create a flexible channel of communication to enable us to bridge the gap between the old ways and the new ways.

NIGERIAN POLITICS: The Vultures Clustering the Sculpture Depicting Our Culture

In a haunting tableau that many would rather overlook, a gathering of vultures hovers ominously around the lifeless body of a man—a sight emblematic of deeper societal issues lying at the heart of our culture. This stark imagery serves as a metaphor for the voracious entities that exploit the vulnerability of individuals and political parties, much like vultures feasting on carrion. 

As the vultures circle, poised and patient, waiting for the clinically dead man to pass on, they epitomize the predatory nature of societal structures that thrive on the misfortunes of the weak. In this case, the man, though clinically dead, represents not just an individual lost to despair, but a wider cultural decay.  The Bible rightly stated that 'where the dead are, there the Vultures gather together.' The vultures symbolize the opportunists—be it political figures, corporations, or cultural critics—who capitalize on suffering for their gain, with little regard for the dignity of the deceased or the community he once cherished.

In the heart of a nation was placed the statue of political figure representing a political freedom fighter, dubbed the best president Nigeria never had, depicting a propagator of socialist and progressive movement, his statue overshadowing surrounding skyscrapers, a figure you cannot easily ignore. Politicians made him god, a name they always referred to as their leader, teacher and mentor to deceive in elections seasons but forgot thereafter. As I observed the great statue from a distance, I saw what many do not consider as a looming danger, vultures swarmed around it but not overshadowing it made people not to see what I am seeing, hawks were perching on its lifeless body, I can see hawks entering it through its wide opened mouth enough to give passage to the hawks and the Vultures, the hawks go on hunting expedition bringing it inside a sculpture depicting our political culture or better said party, the Vultures feast on it grabbing it from the hawks. Insects and reptiles using it as an abode takes the remnants. Can you conjure these pictures together and see the bigger pictures and what it portrayed. Yet the average audience see a man of dignity demonstrating democratic victory over tranny and transactional democracy.

This gathering of vultures is not a mere observation; it’s a call for reflection. Our culture, rich in history and tradition, is marred by those who choose to profit from its fragility. Instead of nurturing the vulnerable, we often find ourselves surrounded by entities ready to exploit these moments, turning them into spectacles for personal or political gain. Just like _agberocracy_ will plant every man mentored to believe in her system of governance and empowerment at every bus stops and streets to take charge of the corridor, so is our referred political party being hijacked by political jobbers and jabbers, trying to dominate every political space in our nation, planting their men in every available sustainable political party and lying in wait for directions and actions at the right time when _'Oga'_ as he is fondly called will shoot the gun. They have a three-pronged mission; Dominate, Amalgamate, Capitulate and Stimulate for Atikulation or Batification.

The sculpture—the embodiment of our cultural and political heritage—stands as a reminder of what was once vibrant and full of life. Yet, as vultures continue to perch, we must question: What happens to the essence of our culture when it is overshadowed by opportunism? How many more 'clinically dead' souls will we allow to be consumed before we stand up against this predation?

It is time we acknowledge these vultures for what they are and challenge their presence in our society. We must cultivate a culture that fosters life rather than feeds on death. This begins with honouring the vulnerable among us, not just in their suffering but in their potential for renewal. Just like the man led to his early grave by reason of the picture he took, resonating deeply in his mind later when he was observed and questioned at his happiest moment what he did to the dying child encircled by vultures in the desert as he simply replied 'I just left, I have a plane to catch's was his answer leaving the vulnerable child in danger. Moments later, he died. He couldn't live to bear the gory imagination of how the child left uncared for might have died.

In this critical moment, let us not be passive observers of our political culture's decline. Instead, let us take action to create a collective environment that safeguards the dignity of all individuals—one that repels the vultures and celebrates the resilience of humanity. Only then can we hope to restore our cultural sculpture and reclaim the narrative that has long been overshadowed by those waiting to swoop in at the first sign of weakness.

The vultures are indeed perching, but it is up to us to either allow them to feast or to rise together and defend the heart of our culture, nurturing it back to life with compassion, integrity, and unwavering resolve. Despite the fact that the political gladiators of our time are maneuvering and navigating their way deep inside the Labour Party, trying to hijack the new structure they once fractured, the rejected stone by the builders now the cornerstone that is legally on ground, waiting impatiently for her to breathe her last, ( bo ba d'ola, a ku ola) the news that will be the bitter spill to swallow for those who undermined and underestimated our political sagacity and activism, who wanted to gain where they do not pained, was that they knew those that help to water  the Iroko tree when it sprouted during the dry season rather than those who are promising waterbed in the rainy season after it has overgrown. The shadow of our tree is wide enough to accommodate all, why try to decapitate when you can help dress it up and be more attractive to those who are anticipating to have a date with the future not too far. 

Apagun Olaolu Samuel Babatunde 

Chairman 

Labour Party, Ogun State

The Bombs That Had to Fall: America's Christmas Day Strike on Jihadist Camps in Sokoto, Seat of the Caliphate

In the early hours of December 26, 2025, as most Nigerians slept off Christmas festivities, the skies over Tangaza Local Government Area in Sokoto State erupted with the thunderous roar of precision airstrikes. For 45 minutes, from 11:45 PM on December 25 to 12:30 AM, United States military aircraft unleashed what President Donald Trump described as "a powerful and deadly strike against ISIS Terrorist Scum in Northwest Nigeria."

The operation, estimated to have cost between $1 million and $3 million, marked a significant escalation in international counterterrorism efforts within Nigeria's borders. Both the U.S. Department of War and Nigeria's Foreign Minister confirmed that the strikes were a coordinated operation between the two nations, targeting a terrorist base hosting key jihadist affiliates in the Bouni axis of Tangaza.




Yet, predictably, the strikes have sparked intense debate across Nigeria. Skeptics have questioned everything from the existence of ISIS in Sokoto to the legitimacy of American military intervention on Nigerian soil. Kaduna-based Islamic cleric Sheikh Ahmed Gumi went as far as calling the operation symbolic of a "neo-Crusade war against Islam," urging Nigeria to halt all military cooperation with the United States and seek assistance from China, Turkey, or Pakistan instead.




But as someone who has reported extensively from Tangaza and witnessed firsthand the creeping menace of transnational jihadism in Nigeria's Northwest, I can say with confidence: these airstrikes were not only necessary, they were overdue.




The Lakurawa Threat: A Clear and Present Danger




In November 2024, my colleague Segun Onibiyo and I published an exclusive investigation into Tangaza and the alarming influx of foreign Islamist terrorists from the Sahel region into Nigeria through its porous northwestern borders. What we found was chilling: the Lakurawa terrorist group, a coalition of jihadists with ambitions to establish Islamic caliphates stretching from the Sahel down to the coast of Ghana, had been actively recruiting local fighters, including Fulani militias, across Sokoto and Kebbi states.




Tangaza, situated along Nigeria's border with Niger Republic, has become a critical transit and operational hub for these jihadists. The porosity of this border facilitates the seamless movement of fighters, weapons, and ideology between the Sahel's conflict zones and Nigeria's increasingly vulnerable Northwest. This isn't speculation, it's documented reality.




The Lakurawa aren't merely bandits or cattle rustlers. They represent a sophisticated, ideologically driven terror network affiliated with Jama'at Nusrat al-Islam wal-Muslimin (JNIM), an Al-Qaeda affiliate operating across the Sahel. Their objectives are clear: destabilize governments, impose harsh interpretations of Sharia law, and expand their territorial control. Their methods are equally clear: targeted assassinations, mass kidnappings, extortion, and brutal attacks on anyone who resists their authority, including Muslims.




Why Sokoto? Understanding the Strategic Significance




Critics have questioned why Sokoto, the historic seat of Nigeria's caliphate and a region perceived as peaceful, would be targeted. This question betrays a dangerous ignorance of contemporary jihadist strategy.




Sokoto's symbolic importance cannot be overstated. For groups like Lakurawa and their Sahel-based allies, controlling or influencing territories with deep Islamic heritage lends them religious legitimacy. Tangaza's strategic location along smuggling routes and its proximity to ungoverned spaces in Niger Republic make it an ideal staging ground for operations deeper into Nigeria.




Furthermore, the U.S. military doesn't invest millions of dollars in precision airstrikes based on hunches. In recent weeks, American forces have conducted intensive Intelligence, Surveillance, and Reconnaissance (ISR) operations across the Sahel region of Nigeria. These missions undoubtedly revealed credible intelligence about the presence of high-value terrorist targets in Tangaza, likely including senior commanders planning coordinated attacks across multiple Nigerian states.




The Sokoto State Government has confirmed that terrorist locations were indeed bombed. Reports from Niger indicate that Nigerien soldiers observed fleeing Lakurawa fighters escaping Tangaza after the strikes. The operation targeted a terrorist base where top jihadist commanders were reportedly meeting to strategize large-scale attacks. No civilian casualties were recorded, a testament to the precision and coordination involved.




Trump's "ISIS" Rhetoric: Politics Meets Reality




President Trump's characterization of the targets as "ISIS Terrorist Scum" warrants clarification. While Lakurawa is primarily affiliated with JNIM and Al-Qaeda rather than ISIS, the distinction may be more relevant to terrorism analysts than to practical counterterrorism operations. Both organizations share overlapping ideologies, tactics, and objectives. Both seek to establish Islamic caliphates through violence and terror. Both recruit from the same radicalized populations and exploit the same governance vacuums.




Trump's reference to ISIS likely serves a dual purpose: it resonates with American audiences familiar with ISIS's atrocities, and it simplifies a complex security landscape into terms that justify decisive action. For Nigerians living under the threat of these groups, whether the terrorists pledge allegiance to ISIS, Al-Qaeda, or JNIM matters far less than whether they're being effectively neutralized.




The Broader War: Why This Strike Matters




This operation represents more than just a tactical victory, it signals a renewed international commitment to confronting transnational terrorism in West Africa. For too long, Nigeria has faced these threats with insufficient resources, inadequate intelligence capabilities, and an overstretched military. The involvement of U.S. military assets, with their advanced surveillance technology, precision strike capabilities, and real-time intelligence, provides a force multiplier that Nigeria desperately needs.




The Lakurawa threat extends beyond Sokoto and Kebbi. Their influence has been felt in Zamfara, and increasingly in parts of Niger and Kwara States. They operate with impunity in areas where state presence is minimal or non-existent. They impose taxes on communities, recruit disaffected youth, and coordinate with local bandits to create a complex web of criminality and ideological extremism.




Sheikh Gumi's concerns about sovereignty and the symbolism of American intervention are not without merit in principle. No nation should casually cede control of military operations within its borders. However, his suggestion that "terrorists don't fight terrorists" ignores the fundamental difference between legitimate counterterrorism operations conducted with host-nation consent and the indiscriminate violence perpetrated by jihadist groups.




His recommendation that Nigeria seek assistance from China, Turkey, or Pakistan instead raises its own questions. Are these nations better positioned to provide the sophisticated ISR capabilities, precision strike assets, and actionable intelligence that this operation demonstrated? The evidence suggests otherwise.




Looking Forward: Recommendations for Sustained Action




While the Tangaza strikes represent a significant achievement, they cannot be a one-off event. Nigeria's counterterrorism strategy must evolve to address the full spectrum of jihadist threats across the country.



The next priority should be the systematic dismantling of known terror cells in the Middle Belt, particularly in Nasarawa, Plateau, Benue, and Taraba states. These cells serve as planning and staging grounds for attacks on farming communities that have displaced thousands and devastated agricultural production. Precision airstrikes targeting these locations, combined with ground operations to clear and hold territory, would significantly degrade their operational capacity.




Nigeria must also invest in border security infrastructure along its northern frontiers. Technology, surveillance drones, biometric checkpoints, rapid response units, must replace the current patchwork of undermanned outposts. Regional cooperation with Niger, Chad, and Cameroon needs strengthening to create a coordinated response to groups that exploit national boundaries.




Finally, Nigeria must address the governance vacuums that make communities vulnerable to jihadist recruitment. Where the state is absent, in providing security, justice, education, and economic opportunity, extremist groups fill the void. Long-term victory against terrorism requires not just military action but the restoration of effective governance.




Conclusion: A Necessary Strike in a Long War




The Christmas Day airstrikes in Tangaza were not an American crusade against Islam, as some have claimed. They were a necessary surgical intervention against a metastasizing terrorist threat that endangers Muslims and Christians alike. The Lakurawa and their affiliates have killed indiscriminately, enslaved communities, and sought to drag Nigeria into the chaos consuming the Sahel.




Those who doubt the necessity or success of these strikes should ask themselves: Would they prefer that the terrorists meeting in that Tangaza forest had been left to execute whatever atrocities they were planning? Would they prefer that Nigeria face these transnational threats entirely alone, without the intelligence and capabilities that international partnerships provide?




The war against terrorism in Nigeria is far from over. But on December 25, 2025, in the skies over Sokoto, a significant battle was won. Now comes the harder work: sustaining the pressure, expanding operations to other terrorist strongholds, and building the state capacity necessary to ensure that when terrorists are eliminated, they cannot simply be replaced.




The strike in Tangaza matters because it demonstrates that Nigeria is not alone in this fight, and that those who wage jihad against innocent Nigerians, regardless of their religious affiliation or international backing, will face consequences.




The question now is whether Nigeria has the political will to build on this success or whether the Tangaza strikes will remain an isolated event in an otherwise reactive and inadequate counterterrorism strategy.




For the sake of every Nigerian farmer, trader, student, and family living under the shadow of these groups, we must choose the former.

Steven Kefas is an investigative journalist, Senior Research Analyst at the Observatory for Religious Freedom in Africa, and Publisher of Middle Belt Times. He has documented religious persecution, terrorism and forced displacement in Nigeria’s Middle Belt for over a decade.